The objective of this article is to bring the conceptual idea in "Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing without Organizations," written by the communication scientist-Clay Shirkey whose scholarly interests are on social change phenomena and he proposes social network's system after the emergence of WEB 2.0 which impacts on the dynamics of new social movement, and it changes the way social organizations are formed. The framework to understand phenomena in Thai society by three-level process in the formation of social organization is as follows: 1) Sharing, 2) Cooperation, and 3) Collective Action. In this article, four case studies in Thailand are investigated. The finding shows this new social tool is not only able to empower and help ordinary people to advocate their individual and communal problems through story-telling but also potentially allows members of the intra-network to connect and exchange information to each other. Furthermore, this tool fairly helps facilitating thesocial organizations at two prior levels. Nevertheless, there're still challenges for social organizations to transform their action into "collective action" level, and to sustainably maintain the leverage of groups. ; บทความชิ้นนี้มีจุดมุ่งหมายเพื่อทดลองนำข้อเสนอจากหนังสือเรื่อง Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organizations โดย เคลย์ เชอร์กี้ นักการสื่อสารเพื่อการเปลี่ยนแปลงทางสังคม ที่กล่าวถึงโลกของสังคมเครือข่ายภายหลังการเกิดขึ้นของระบบเว็บ 2.0 จนก่อให้เกิดผลกระทบต่อพลวัตกลุ่มทางสังคมแบบใหม่ รวมถึงการจัดตั้งกลุ่มองค์กรทางสังคม (Organization) ที่เปลี่ยนแปลงไปจากเดิมมาใช้มาเป็นกรอบในการมองปรากฏการณ์ในสังคมไทยผ่านเครื่องมือที่สามารถสร้างผลกระทบต่อการรวมกลุ่มแบบใหม่ 3 ระดับ คือ 1) การแบ่งปัน (sharing) 2) การประสานงานกัน (cooperative) และ 3) การเคลื่อนไหวเป็นกลุ่ม (Collective Action) โดยวิเคราะห์ผ่าน 4 กรณีศึกษาในสังคมไทย พบว่าเครื่องมือทางสังคมแบบใหม่นี้ได้ช่วย "เสริมพลัง" (Empower) และ "ขยายเสียง" (Advocate) ให้กับ "ผู้คนสามัญ" (Ordinary People) ในการบอกเล่าเรื่องราวความเดือดร้อนของตนและชุมชน ทั้งยังมีศักยภาพในการเชื่อมต่อและแลกเปลี่ยนข้อมูลภายในเครือข่ายร่วมกัน จากการศึกษายังพบว่า เครื่องมือนี้เอื้อให้เกิดการรวมกลุ่มทางสังคมที่สำคัญในสองระดับแรก แต่ยังขาดศักยภาพที่จะไปสู่ "การเคลื่อนไหวเป็นกลุ่ม" (Collective Action) ได้รวมถึงการรักษาพลังของการรวมกลุ่มให้เกิดความยั่งยืนยังเป็นข้อท้าทายอย่างยิ่ง
TEZ10571 ; Tez (Yüksek Lisans) -- Çukurova Üniversitesi, Adana, 2015. ; Kaynakça (s. 145-157) var. ; ix, 158 s. : 29 cm. ; Şiddet literatürü üzerine yapılan bir tarama, kolektif siyasal şiddet analizi için bütüncül bir paradigmatik yaklaşımın ve metodolojinin söz konusu olmadığını göstermektedir. Bu durum araştırmacıların, genellikle, siyasal şiddetin farklı türlerinden birine odaklanarak vakaya özgü yaklaşımlar geliştirmesinden kaynaklanmakta ve netice olarak da kolektif siyasal şiddet analizinde kullanılacak bütüncül bir çerçevenin geliştirilmesini engellemektedir. Bu çalışma, mevcut literatürün eksikliklerini ve sınırlılıklarını geride bırakmaya yardımcı olacak yeni bir yaklaşıma ihtiyaç olduğunu savunmaktadır. Kaynak Mobilizasyonu ve Yeni Toplumsal Hareketler yaklaşımlarının siyasal fırsat yapıları, çerçeveleme süreci, kaynak mobilizasyonu, örgütsel hareketlilik stratejileri, harekete katılım ve kimlik inşası süreçleri gibi kavramsal ve metodolojik araçlarıyla, kolektif siyasal şiddet analizi için gerekli olan bütüncül yaklaşıma katkı sunabileceği savunulmaktadır. Bu yaklaşım, farklı zamansal ve mekânsal koşullarda ortaya çıkan kolektif siyasal şiddetin daha iyi anlaşılabilmesi için gereklidir. Ayrıca çalışmanın vaka analizi olarak, varsayılandan daha karmaşık bir örgütlenme sunan ve mevcut literatürün analizde yetersiz kaldığı Hamas örneği seçilmiştir. ; A survey of the existing literature on political violence reveals that there is no single paradigmatic approach and method with which to study collective forms of political violence. Scholars usually focus on one type of political violence, developing a case-specific approach, which is not adequate to the task of providing a comprehensive framework with which to analyze different forms of collective political violence. This study points to the need for a new framework which overcomes the shortcomings and limitations of the existing literature. It argues that social movement theory (including both Resource Mobilization approach and New Social Movements theory) can contribute to the development of such a comprehensive approach by providing the base for another way of understanding and interpreting collective political violence as it offers the necessary conceptual and methodological tools such as political opportunity structures, framing processes, resource mobilization, organizational mobilization strategies, movement participation and processes of identity construction. It is, thus, necessary to combine the theoretical insights of social movement theory and the literature on political violence to better analyze collective political violence in different contexts at different times. In this study, these arguments are presented through a case study of Hamas, a complex organization, which is often inadequately analyzed within the existing literature on collective political violence.
The term co-radicalization refers to intergroup hostilities leading to conflicts through cycles of reciprocal threat. This article explores the concept of co-radicalization in violent and non-violent terms and its potential application particularly in Turkey and broadly in the Middle East, a region characterized by ethnic, cultural and religious diversity, as well as socio-economic disparities. Drawing from the social fragmentations recently observed in Turkey, where scientific research on radicalism and co-radicalization is insufficient, the article offers several subjects of scrutiny, including (1) socio-economic co-radicalization between the native and migrant people in the fringes of the urban spaces, (2) the religious norm carriership led by the state institutions and the rise of "Deism" and atheism in response, and (3) the variety of non-violent radical expressions feeding each other, from music to satire. We conclude that the study of co-radicalization should be distinguished from the reductionist approaches to the concept, which tend to take terrorism and radicalism synonymously; the social scientific goal is to gain a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics behind societal divisions.
The current political climate appears to create accentuated divisions among various incompatible world views. In a globalized world, faster dissemination of information is much faster via social media and other sources like has never experienced before. A local incident may rapidly turned into an international crisis. For instance, a civil war in Syria now has deeply impacted the politics and social structures of many counties around the world. In this social environment tacking with various types of violent extremism and radical popularism have become increasingly challenging. These radical worldviews may be manifested in either end of the political spectrum, namely right or left, based on ethnicity or exploitation of religion. Following the terror attacks of 9/11 security services and public have focused on the threat posed by terrorist groups such as DAESH and Al-Qaeda. However, threats of violence also remain significant in the case of violent extreme right as well as left group. Challenges in tackling violent right-wind extremism is a complicated matter as they may not be seen as a significant security threat in the west. For example, despite a number of terror attacks carried by right supremacists in the USA, this group has not been listed as a terror group by the state. Also, the terror suspects are more likely to be described as mentally disturbed and disgruntled people should they be white. In other to counter violent extremism, whether based on ideology, ethnicity, or exploitation of religion, we need to systematically examine the root cause of such violent tendencies. In this regard, rising radical right popularism in the West calls for a comprehensive examination of this social movement.
Terörizm, günümüzde insanların güvenliğini etkileyen önemli bir kavramdır. Çalışmamızın ilk bölümünde terörizm kavramı, tarihi ve türleri anlatılmıştır. Terörizmin, günümüzde uluslararası kabul gören bir tanımı bulunmamaktadır. Terörizmin tanımıyla ilgili tartışmalar aktarılmıştır. Terörizmin tanımı hakkında bir uzlaşının bulunmayışının nedeni kavramın kendisinin göreceli olmasından kaynaklanmıştır. Çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde terörizm kavramı eleştirel bir perspektiften ele alınarak incelenmiştir. Bir güvenlik tehdidi olan terörizmin abartıldığı görülmüştür. Eski ve Yeni terörizm kavramları eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla karşılaştırılmıştır. Yeni terörizmin aslında yeni olmadığı sonucuna varılmıştır. Terörizm ve sosyal bir kimlik olan din arasındaki ilişki analiz edilmiştir. Batılı devletlerde din motifli terörizmin anlamının saptırıldığı söylenebilir. Devletlerin terörizme başvurduğu durumlar göz ardı edilmiştir. Çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünde terörizm ve lidersiz direniş arasındaki ilişki tartışılmıştır. Araştırmalar neticesinde lidersiz direniş kavramının terörizmle ilişkisinin bulunduğu tespit edilmiştir. ; Terrorism is a important term affecting that security of humans at today. The history, types, term of terrorism has been explained in the first part of our study. Terrorism has not been well accepted a definition of international at the present time. The debates with respect to term of terrorism has been cited. The reason of a lack of consensus about definition of terrorism stemmed from the relative nature of the concept itself. The term of terrorism has been analyzed with discussing in the part of second that study from a critical perspective. Terrorism has been seen that exaggerated which is a security threat. The old and new notions of terrorism has been compared with a critical viewpoint. The new terrorism has been concluded that is not becoming new in the reality. The relation between terrorism and as a social identity religion has been analyzed. It can be said that the meaning of terrorism with religious motives has been distorted in Western states. States appealing to terrorism which situations has been ignored. The connection that between terrorism and leaderless resistance has been argued in the part of third that study. As a result of research the concept of leaderless resistance has a relationship with terrorism has been determined.
İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında ortaya çıkan iki kutuplu sistemde devletlerin birbirinden ideolojik açıdan ayrışan bloklardan birinin içinde veya tarafında bulunması adeta bir zorunluluk halini almıştır. Fakat sömürgelikten yeni kurtulmuş ve bağımsızlığını henüz kazanmış olan ülkeler açısından, iki blokta da olmanın genel olarak bir anlamı ve artısı bulunmamaktaydı. Bağlantısızlar Hareketi, bu uluslararası ortamda büyük güçler arasında taraf tutmak istemeyen ve bağımsızlığı savunan devletlerin ortaya çıkardığı bir oluşum olmuştur. Grubun temel ilkeleri ve kuralları, 1955 yılında Endonezya'da düzenlenen Asya-Afrika Bandung Konferansı'nda yapılan tartışmalar sırasında ortaya çıkmıştır. Daha sonra, 5-12 Haziran 1961'de Mısır Kahire'de ilk Bağlantısızlar Hareketi Zirve Konferansı için bir hazırlık toplantısı düzenlenmiştir. Bu toplantıda, Bağlantısızlar Hareketi'nin üyelik kriterleri ve hedefleri belirlenmiştir. İlk resmi Bağlantısızlar Hareketi Zirve Konferansı, Eylül 1961'de Belgrad, Yugoslavya'da gerçekleşmiştir. Bağlantısızlar Hareketi'nin günümüze dek on sekiz konferansı gerçekleşmiştir. Bu çalışmada on yedi konferans ve bildirileri incelenmiştir. On sekizinci ve sonuncu konferans 25 Ekim 2019'da Azerbaycan'ın başkenti Bakü'de gerçekleşmiştir. Bu konferanslarda üçüncü dünya ülkelerinin bağımsızlıkları ve toprak bütünlükleri korunmaya çalışılmış; silahsızlanma, güvenlik, ekonomi ve kalkınma üzerine kararlar alınmış; sömürge hareketleri, işgaller, ırkçılık ve devletler üzerine yapılan her türlü baskıya karşı çıkılmıştır. Bağlantısızlar Hareketi'nin en önemli hedeflerinden biri de uluslararası alanda tam silahsızlanmayı sağlamak olmuştur. Uluslararası sistemin yapısı buna izin vermese de, Hareket yıllarca silahsızlanma çabalarından vazgeçmemiştir. Gösterilen II bu çabaların sonucunda, birçok yararlı silahsızlanma anlaşması imzalanmıştır. Bağlantısız ülkeler, büyük güçlerin kendi çıkarları uğruna, diğer devletlere karşı sert güç uygulamaması gerektiğini yıllarca vurgulamışlardır. Herhangi bir ülkenin toprak bütünlüğüne veya siyasi bağımsızlığına karşı saldırganlık eylemlerinden veya saldırganlık tehditlerinden ve kuvvet kullanımından kaçınılması gerektiğini savunmuşlardır. Tüm uluslararası uyuşmazlıkların müzakere, uzlaşma, tahkim veya adli çözüm gibi barışçıl yollarla veya Birleşmiş Milletler Şartı'na uygun olarak çözüme kavuşturulması için yıllarca çabalamışlardır. Çalışmanın birinci bölümünde, Soğuk Savaş döneminde uluslararası sistemin genel durumu ve bu dönemde gerçekleşen bazı önemli olaylar ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde, silahsızlanmanın anlamı ve önemine değinilerek bu konudaki belli başlı antlaşmalar incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünde, Bağlantısızlar Hareketi'nin ortaya çıkışı, hedefleri, amaçları ile birlikte 1961'den 2016'ya kadar olan on yedi konferansın bildirileri genel olarak ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın dördüncü ve son bölümünde ise on yedi konferansın bildirilerinde silahsızlanma konusunda alınan kararlar incelenmiştir. ; In the bipolar system that emerged after the Second World War, it has become a necessity for states to be in or on the side of one of the blocks that differ ideologically from each other. However, for the countries that have just gotten rid of colonialism and have just gained their independence, being in either bloc generally did not have any meaning or advantage. The Non-Aligned Movement has been a formation created by states that do not want to take sides among the great Powers in this international environment and defend independence. The basic principles and rules of the group emerged during the discussions at the Asia-Africa Bandung Conference in Indonesia in 1955. Later, a preparatory meeting was held for the first Non-Aligned Movement Summit Conference in Cairo, Egypt on June 5-12, 1961. At this meeting, the membership criteria and goals of the Non- Aligned Movement were determined. The first official Non-Aligned Movement Summit Conference took place in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, in September 1961. Eighteen conferences of the Non-Aligned Movement have been held until today. Seventeen conferences and papers were examined in this study. The eighteenth and last conference was held on 25 October 2019 in Baku, the capital city of Azerbaijan. At these conferences, the independence and territorial integrity of the third World countries were tried to be protected, decisions were taken on disarmament, security, economy and development; Colonial movements, occupations, racism and any oppression on states have been opposed. One of the most important goals of the Non-Aligned Movement has been to ensure full disarmament in the international arena. Although the structure of the IV international system does not allow this, the Movement has not given up its disarmament efforts for years. As a result of these efforts, many beneficial disarmament agreements were signed. For years, the non-aligned countries have emphasized that the great powers should not exercise hard power against other states for their own benefit. They argued that acts of aggression or threats of aggression against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country and the use of force should be avoided. They have endeavored for years to resolve all international disputes peacefully, such as negotiation, reconciliation, arbitration, or judicial resolution, or in accordance with the United Nations Charter. In the first part of the study, the general situation of the international system during the Cold War and some important events during this period are discussed. In the second part of the study, by emphasizing the meaning and importance of disarmament, major agreements on this subject are examined. In the third part of the study, the emergence of the Non-Aligned Movement, its goals and objectives, together with the papers of seventeen conferences from 1961 to 2016, are discussed in general. In the fourth and last part of the study, the decisions taken on disarmament in the papers of seventeen conferences were examined.
