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Jugoslavenske novine izvještavaju svoje čitatelje o američkom građanskom pokretu. Novine govore o pokretu u njegovom političkom, ekonomskom, društvenom, kulturnom i sportskom kontekstu. U političkom kontekstu novine pišu o Kingu i njegovim umjerenim metodama borbe za građanska prava, ali i o metodama radikalnijih Afroamerikanaca. te kako raste politička moć afroameričkog društva. Iznosi se djelovanje američke visoke politike, koja u različitim prilikama zauzima ili proafroameričke stavove, ili antiafroameričke stavove. Ekonomski položaj afroameričkog društva se prikazuje kroz društvene probleme. Novine iz različitih vremenskih perioda iznose članke koji se bave rasnim nemirima koji su bili aktualni prikazujući ih kao reakcijom društva koje je diskriminirano i stavljeno u inferioran položaj od strane vlasti, institucija, policije i generalno bjelačke populacije. Čitateljima jugoslavenskih novina poznata je uloga sportaša, književnika i pjevača koji su predstavljali simbol afroameričkog jedinstva i moći, otpora represiji i diskriminaciji za generalnu afroameričku javnost. O relevantnosti afroameričkog problema u daljnjim godinama govore novine člancima kojima obilježavaju važne obljetnice pokreta i ocjenjuju (ne)napredak koji je afroameričko društvo postiglo u borbi za jednakopravnost. ; Yugoslavian newspapers do report to their readers about civil rights movement. Newspapers talk about movement in political, economical, social, cultural and sports context. In political context newspapers represent King and his moderate methods of fighting for civil rights, but also more radical methods by other African Americans. They also write about the growth of political power of African Americans. There is talks about the influence of american high politics and how it takes pro-black or anti-black stances. The economical power of African Americans is shown through social issues. Newspapers from different periods of time talk about racial riots which illustrate to readers the discrimination and repression of the African ...

U Koprivnici je u rujnu 1945. obnovljeno izlaženje međuratnog tjednika Podravske novine. Nakladnik lista bila je gradska Narodna fronta, a projekt su vodili predsjednik gradskog Narodnog odbora Ivan Paprila i tiskar Valko Loborec, članovi KPH, dok je glavninu tekstova pisao dotad jedini koprivnički profesionalni novinar Dušan Ožegović. Oni su imali važnu ulogu i u predratnim Podravskim novinama, pa su vlastima predstavljali garanciju da će list zadovoljiti čitalačku publiku, ali i da će vjerno slijediti liniju Partije i njenog političkog partnera HRSS-a. Glavni je zadatak lista bila politička priprema građana na predstojeće parlamentarne i lokalne izbore, ali i prozivanje, po potrebi i prokazivanje, švercera, špekulanata i ostalih stvarnih i potencijalnih »narodnih neprijatelja«. Unatoč visoke ideologiziranosti na rigidnoj partijskog liniji, list je zahvaljujući Ožegovićevom zanatskom umijeću, vezanom za standarde građanskog novinarstva, i iznimno vrijedan izvor informacija o tegobnom življenju u poslijeratnoj Koprivnici, kad su nedostajali i osnovni prehrambeni proizvodi, odjeća i ogrijev. Unatoč vrlo uvjerljive pobjede na izborima, vlasti nisu bile zadovoljne osvojenim postotkom glasova, što je bio i uvod u ukidanje lista u veljači 1946., a kao formalni je razlog navedena nestašica novinskog papira. ; In Koprivnica, in September 1945, the publication of the interwar weekly Podravske novine was resumed. The publisher of the paper was the city's People's Front, and the project was led by the president of the city's People's Committee Ivan Paprika and printer Valko Loborec, members of the KPH, while the majority of texts were written by the only Koprivnica professional journalist Dušan Ožegović. They also played an important role in the pre-war Podravske novine, so they provided the authorities with a guarantee that the paper would satisfy the readership, but also that it would faithfully follow the line of the Party and its political partner HRSS. The main task of the list was the political preparation of the citizens for the upcoming parliamentary and local elections, but also the proclamation, if necessary, denunciation, of smugglers, speculators and other real and potential »enemies of the people«. Despite its high ideology on the rigid party line, the paper is, thanks to Ožegović's craftsmanship, related to the standards of citizen journalism, and an extremely valuable source of information on the difficult life in post-war Koprivnica, when basic foodstuffs, clothing and firewood were lacking. Despite a landslide victory in the election, the authorities were dissatisfied with the percentage of votes won, which was the prelude to the abolition of the paper in February 1946, citing a shortage ofnewsprint.

Nakon uvoda autor obrađuje četiri teme: 1. osnutak, svrha i oblik pastoralno- informativnoga lista Crkva na kamenu, 2. četiri dosadašnja razdoblja lista Crkva na kamenu (komunističko razdoblje, razdoblje demokratskih izbora, Domovinskoga rata te poraća), 3. sadržajna strana Crkve na kamenu i 4. komunikacijski stav prema čitateljima i stav čitatelja prema Crkvi na kamenu. U zaključku se ističe kako je ovaj list od 1980. godine, kada ga je osnovao mostarsko-duvanjski biskup i apostolski upravitelj trebinjsko-mrkanski mons. Pavao Žanić, pa do sada odigrao veliku vjersku, povijesnu i kulturološku ulogu u Crkvi i društvu te da mu je trajna zadaća prinos boljitku života ljudi u društvenim i kršćanskim zajednicama na temelju Dekaloga, evanđeoskih i crkvenih zasada. ; After the introductory part the author analyzes four topics: 1. establishment, purpose and form of pastoral-informative newspaper Crkva na kamenu (Church on the rock), 2. four past periods of the newspaper Crkva na kamenu (communistic period, period of democratic elections, Croatian War of Independence and after-war period), 3. content side of the newspaper, 4. communication attitude to readers and readers' attitude to Crkva na kamenu. The conclusion points out that this newspaper since 1980, when it was founded by the bishop of Mostar-Duvno and Apostolic Administrator of Trebinje-Mrkan Mons. Pavao Žanić, till now has played a great religious, historical and cultural role in the Church and society and that its permanent task is contributing to the benefit of people in social and Christian communities on the basis of Decalogue, evangelical and Church foundations.

Pokretanje i izdavanje koprivničkog tjednika Demokrat 1919. godine od velikog je značaja za grad i označava prekretnicu u viđenju funkcioniranja novina. Naime, iako je s osnivanjem Novosti već 1907. godine došlo do pojave novina koje su bile informativnog karaktera, a ne glasila pojedinih političkih opcija, u Koprivnici se to događa tek 1919. kad lokalna organizacija Saveza hrvatskih obrtnika pokrene Demokrat. Budući da je riječ o gradu koju u to doba broji tek nešto više od 8 tisuća stanovnika i da ima velik broj nepismenih, kao i činjenica da je riječ o još uvijek ruralnoj sredini, te da iza novina ne stoji politička stranka, pitanje financiranja lista ključno je za njegov opstanak. Rad će se baviti modelima financiranja tjednika i načinima kojima je nakladnik pokušavao postići veću financijsku stabilnost lista. ; The launch and publication of the Koprivnica weekly magazine Demokrat in 1919 is of great importance for the city and marks a turning point in comprehension of the functioning of newspapers. Namely, although the founding of Novosti as early as 1907 is marked as appearance of newspapers of an informative nature that did not serve the purpose of being a journal of certain political options, in Koprivnica this happened only in 1919 when the local organization of the Association of Croatian Craftsmen started the weekly magazine Demokrat. Since this was a city with just over 8,000 inhabitants at the time and a large number of illiterates, and with reference to the fact that it was still a rural area and that there was no political party behind the newspaper, the issue of financing the paper was crucial for its survival. The paper presents the financing models of the weekly magazine and the ways in which the publisher tried to achieve greater financial stability of the paper.

Gojka Bezovan's (2005) definition of Company Social Responsibility (CSR) is quoted, & Scott M. Cutlip's et al (2000) research of CSR in the US is briefly discussed, pointing out the importance of positive social image in conducting business activities & noting the billions of dollars spent on CSR in that country. The crucial role played by mass media in communicating businesses' CSR to the public is recognized, & Croatian print media are surveyed to determine how much attention & space they devote to CSR. A study by the firm MediaNet is summarized, examining, in a quantitative analysis, the number of newspaper articles devoted to CSR & reporting on the distribution of CSR actions across various domains of public interest (eg, the development of human resources, environmental protection, charitable donations, etcetera). It is found that CSR is not one of the dominant themes for Croatian newspaper editors & journalists, as editorials & news features on CSR represent only a negligible portion of journalistic texts. It is concluded that Croatian journalists are eager to emulate their Western colleagues in all the vices the profession is accused of -- sensationalism, fact distortion, & disregard of personal privacy -- but not in the virtues of serving the public good. Figures, References. Z. Dubiel

Reporters' work from a country at war is eventually subjected to censorship. That the job of war correspondents is dangerous has been proved by the number of journalists who are killed every year & by certain "rules of wartime journalism." The article looks into some forms of wartime censorship in the earlier NATO military actions, describes the censorship during the aggression on the Republic of Croatia, &, on the basis of the available information, addresses the relevant situation in SR Yugoslavia. When this article was written (May 1999), NATO's military intervention in that country was still going on; consequently, newspaper censorship was still very much in force there. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Based on the party archives, newspaper archives and literature recovery, the author presents the political programs and activities of the Croatian Party of Rights (HSP) from 1990 to 1992. This work analyzes the political aims of the party, the most important personalities associated with it during this period, the significance of its electioneering as well as of its results in the election of 1992. Once the multiparty system was established, HSP was rebuilt by Dobroslav Paraga and Ante Paradzik. The main party's program was the establishment of an independent Croatian state. Political action of HSP resulted in political killings, political trials of leading party officials and the Party's schism. The fundamental obstacle to renewal and further development of HSP was the Croatian Democratic Union and its attitude towards HSP. Adapted from the source document.

Croatian newspapers (dailies, magazines, & a few journals) were studied over several months in 1997. While the review was not comprehensive, the analysis reveals a picture of the typical newspaper as very prone to error. The errors that result from haste, hard working conditions, & obsolete technology are excusable, but the flagrant carelessness & even ignorance show disrespect for readers & the profession. Journalism is advancing fast, but there are certain well-known basics that can be easily learned. There is no excuse for ignorance-based errors, as there is no justification for a surgeon who would -- due to ignorance -- amputate a healthy instead of a diseased leg. But, what to say about the intentional, deliberate distortion of facts? It is unforgivable not to inform the public about the opinions of the president or the Governor of the National Bank or to give the true dimensions of a crime. This is the dark side of Croatian journalism, which may be rectified by educated professionals who respect the rules of the profession & whose primary concerns are not ideological connotations & drifts. Adapted from the source document.

Was Wesley Clark, NATO's commander-in-chief, right when he said that, instead of launching operation 'Allied Force' against it, the allies should have electronically isolated SR Yugoslavia? Yugoslav hackers & crackers used to good advantage the freedom of cyberspace. During NATO's intervention, they declared a real 'virtual war' to all the countries supportive of this campaign, particularly to the US. By swooping down by all available means on numerous official web pages of various American institutions & totally abusing the communicational freedoms on the Net, Yugoslav hackers in fact demonstrated a small part of the possibilities of the new e-force. However, the deleterious consequences of Yugoslav online users' activities were so harmful that they prodded the international community into issuing a blunt warning to the Serbian Telecom -- we shall switch you off from the Internet! The objective of this research is primarily to evidence a totally novel phenomenon on the Internet, the first organized virtual war taking place in cyberspace, at the time when a real military campaign was waged against SRY. One of the outcomes of these activities was 'striking out' the documents from the Net that had been preserved only in Mucalo & Svilicic's archive. There are no additional scientific resources, since the key sources for this article were the Internet & newspaper articles. Although envisaged as a medium available to all, the Internet must soon be safeguarded & protected by legal means. Otherwise, it might simply cave in under the onslaught of all abuses & innumerable viruses circulating the global cyberspace. Due to the increase in the number of users & services, it may be expected that soon a completely new branch of criminal law is to emerge -- computer crime. 2 Figures, 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

Rad se bavi secesijom u dalmatinskoj Narodnoj stranci koja se dogodila 1873., nakon što su dalmatinski zastupnici u Carevinskom vijeću podržali zakon kojim su uvedeni izravni izbori za to vijeće. Narodna stranka oštro je osudila njihov postupak, napadajući ih zbog nasjedanja na obećanja bečke vlade i izdaje narodnog poštenja. Zastupnici su smatrali da su svojim postupkom zaštitili Dalmaciju od negativne reakcije vlade i omogućili joj napredak uz podršku te iste vlade. Sukob unutar stranke dosegnuo je vrhunac kada su se zastupnici odvojili od stranačke središnjice i osnovali Narodnu srednjačku stranku te pokrenuli list Zemljak po kojem su dobili nadimak "zemljaci". Uslijedila je žestoka polemika između toga lista i Narodnog lista, glasila središnjice Narodne stranke. Rad analizira diskurs jedne i druge strane u tom sukobu te pokušava utvrditi s kakvih su ideoloških pozicija nastupale te kakav im je bio stav o protivničkoj strani. Analizira se razdoblje do prvih izravnih izbora za Carevinsko vijeće održanih krajem 1873. na kojima su i jedna i druga strana ostvarile rezultat slabiji od očekivanog. ; This paper deals with secession in the Dalmatian People's Party that took place in 1873, after the Dalmatian Representatives to the Imperial Council endorsed the law that introduced direct elections for the Council. The People's Party strongly condemned their actions, attacking them for being deceived by the promises of the Viennese government and betraying people's honesty. Representatives believed that their actions served to protect Dalmatia from the negative reaction of the Government and to enable Dalmatia's development by support of the same government. The conflict within the party peaked when Representatives seceded from the party centre and established the Mainstream Folk Party, called Zemljačka (Eng.: Compatriotic) after its publication Zemljak after which they were nicknamed "Zemljaci" (Eng.: Compatriots). A fierce controversy ensued between Zemljak and Narodni list, a newspaper of the People's Party centrepiece. It analyses the period until the first direct elections to the Imperial Council held in late 1873 in which both sides achieved weaker than expected outcome. The paper analyses discourse of both sides in this conflict and tries to determine what ideological positions they came from and their position on the opposing side.

Razvoj digitalne tehnologije otvorio je vrata novim mogućnostima stvaranja i prenošenja informacija u različitim oblicima uz pomoć digitalnih medija. Civilno društvo sve češće preuzima i javne usluge koje država prestaje ili više ne uspijeva pružati te je svojevrsni korektiv državnim institucijama, osobito kada su one slabe i nedjelotvorne. Takve društvene promjene stavljaju pred građane i civilno društvo velik izazov. Internetski mediji, posebno društvene mreže, zahvaljujući mogućnosti interaktivne komunikacije na određen način utječu na razvoj političkoga aktivizma kod građana. Pomak od konvencionalnih medija (novine, televizija) na nekonvencionalne (internet) omogućava decentralizaciju komunikacije, otežava kontrolu i restrikcije i čini informacije te razmjenu mišljenja i stavova široko dostupnima. Tako se građanima preko društvenih mreža pruža prilika da sudjeluju u javnome diskursu, iznose mišljenja i stavove te raspravljaju o političkim i društvenim pitanjima. Nekada viđeni samo kao pasivni konzumenti, gledatelji postaju aktivni sudionici kao građani – izvor informacija (Perišin, 2004), što uvelike utječe na interakciju među građanima i razvoj kritičnoga mišljenja. Napredak tehnologije i razvoj društvenih mreža, također, omogućavaju lakše umrežavanje te poticanje razvoja određenih građanskih inicijativa. Time se ujedno otvaraju nove mogućnosti jačanja potencijala organizacija civilnoga društva za mobilizaciju građana za sudjelovanje u društveno korisnim programima i projektima, kao i općenito prostor podrške razvoju civilnoga društva. Svrha je ovoga rada istražiti kako upotreba internetskih medija odnosno društvenih mreža utječe i potiče razvoj građanskoga aktivizma i civilnog društva. ; The evolution of digital technology has opened the door to new means of creating and passing information in various forms with the help of new media. Civil society often takes over public services that the state does not or cannot provide, and serves as a sort of corrective for state institutions, especially if the institutions are weak or ineffective. Such social changes are a great challenge to citizens and civil society. Due to their potential for interactive communication, online media, and particularly social networks influence the development of political activism. The transition from conventional media (newspaper, television) to unconventional (internet, social networks) enables the decentralisation of communication, hinders restrictions and control as well as makes the exchange of opinion and information widely accessible. Through social networks, citizens are allowed to participate in public discourse, present their opinions and thoughts, and discuss political and social matters. Once seen as pure passive consumers, the viewers now become active participants as citizens – the source of information (Perišin, 2010), which has a great impact on the interaction between citizens as well as the development of critical thought. The very advancement of technology and the evolution of social networks enable easier networking and encourage certain civic initiatives. This in result opens up new possibilities for the strengthening of the civic initiative's potential for citizen mobilisation towards participating in socially beneficial programs and projects as well as opening up new space for the support of civil society. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the use of Internet media, i.e. social networks, affect and stimulate the development of civic activism and civil society.

Nakon što je Austro-Ugarska po mandatu europskih sila 1878. okupirala i uspostavila svoju upravu u Bosni i Hercegovini, pokrenula je izlaženje službenih novina koje su bile posrednik između nove vlasti i stanovništva u Bosni i Hercegovini. U Sarajevu su 1. rujna 1878. počele izlaziti Bosansko-hercegovačke novine, koje su trebale obavještavati pučanstvo o aktivnostima nove vlasti, ali i smirivati nestabilnu situaciju u društvu zbog koje su u pojedinim krajevima Bosne i Hercegovine još uvijek trajali oružani sukobi. Iako su službene novine koje su tiskane krajem turske vladavine u Bosni i Hercegovini izlazile na ćirilici, a samo pojedini zakonski i podzakonski akti bili tiskani (i) latinicom, austro-ugarska je vlast odmah zauzela jasan stav da se Bosna i Hercegovina i u vezi sa službenim pismom mora približiti zapadnoeuropskim zemljama. Zbog toga je uvedena latinica kao glavno pismo u javnu uporabu, a uporaba je ostalih pisama, isprva, ograničena samo na uporabu unutar vjerskih zajednica. Monarhija se u tom početnom razdoblju oslanjala uglavnom na zaposlenike iz Hrvatske i omogućila je da se u bosanskohercegovačku upravu uvede književni i administrativni jezik kakav se tada bio rabio u Hrvatskoj, čime je omogućeno da se Bosna i Hercegovina brzo i sa što manje komplikacija uključi u austro-ugarski administrativni sustav. U ovom opisano je pokretanje Bosansko-hercegovačkih novina i jezik njegovih prvih brojeva iz 1878. te su prikazane okolnosti koje su dovele do austro-ugarske okupacije Bosne i Hercegovine. ; After the occupation of the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary as mandated by the powerful European countries, the newly established government saw the need for an official publication to serve as a means of communication between the new administration and the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Consequently, the newspaper Bosansko-hercegovačke novine was established on September 1, 1878 in Sarajevo, with the aim of informing the public of the new government's plans and intentions, as well as decreasing tensions as lingering armed conflict in parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina had created a heated situation. Since the official press during the last days of Turkish rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina was printed in the Cyrillic script and later on only a selection of legislative acts were printed in the Roman script, the Austro-Hungarian administration firmly stated that Bosnia and Herzegovina must in that respect reflect the practices of other European countries. Thus, the public administration was to use the Roman script, while the remaining scripts were, at first, reserved for use solely within religious communities. Since in the early years of the occupation the Monarchy relied mostly on the personnel from Croatia for their administrative needs, it only made sense to employ the same language used there to facilitate a quick and painless integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Austro-Hungarian administrative system. This paper will outline the circumstances which led to the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the establishment of The Bosansko-hercegovačke novine and analyze the language used in its first issues published in 1878.