Reforming Modernity is a sweeping intellectual history and philosophical reflection built around the work of the Morocco-based philosopher Abdurrahman Taha, one of the most significant philosophers in the Islamic world since the colonial era. Wael B. Hallaq contends that Taha is at the forefront of forging a new, non-Western-centric philosophical tradition. He explores how Taha's philosophical project sheds light on recent intellectual currents in the Islamic world and puts forth a formidable critique of Western and Islamic modernities.Hallaq argues that Taha's project departs from—but leaves behind—the epistemological grounds in which most modern Muslim intellectuals have anchored their programs. Taha systematically rejects the modes of thought that have dominated the Muslim intellectual scene since the beginning of the twentieth century—nationalism, Marxism, secularism, political Islamism, and liberalism. Instead, he provides alternative ways of thinking, forcefully and virtuosically developing an ethical system with a view toward reforming existing modernities. Hallaq analyzes the ethical thread that runs throughout Taha's oeuvre, illuminating how Taha weaves it into a discursive engagement with the central questions that plague modernity in both the West and the Muslim world. The first introduction to Taha's ethical philosophy for Western audiences, Reforming Modernity presents his complex thought in an accessible way while engaging with it critically. Hallaq's conversation with Taha's work both proffers a cogent critique of modernity and points toward answers for its endemic and seemingly insoluble problems
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La 4e de couverture indique : "Dans cet ouvrage résolument pluridisciplinaire, qui associe des historiens et des archéologues européens, américains et arabes, la guerre et la paix sont envisagées comme un couple indissociable, en interactivité permanente. Les travaux ici réunis montrent que cette interactivité est particulièrement prégnante dans le Proche-Orient arabe et musulman des xe - xvie siècles, où une classe de guerriers non arabes crée de nouveaux régimes politiques marqués par une forte militarisation du pouvoir. Ces guerriers font de la guerre et de la paix des outils de gestion des hommes et des territoires, qu'ils utilisent selon leur bon gré, toujours afin de promouvoir et pérenniser leur pouvoir. Pourtant, l'activité de ces guerriers ne se limite pas au champ militaire. Les contributions réunies dans ce livre permettent de réfuter l'idée, encore trop souvent mise en avant par les spécialistes du Proche-Orient arabe et musulman, selon laquelle ils forment une caste complètement déconnectée des autres groupes sociaux. Certes, ils constituent bien un groupe social singulier, qui prend en charge la lutte contre les Croisés et les Mongols, dont les attaques semblent, un temps, menacer l'existence même du Dār al-islām. Mais les guerriers ne sont pas isolés des autres groupes sociaux, avec lesquels ils partagent bien des valeurs et des pratiques culturelles. Leur activité est multiforme. Elle ne se limite pas au champ politique et militaire : ils investissent aussi les champs religieux, économique et culturel. Progressivement, avec le soutien des élites civiles et religieuses sur lesquelles ils s'appuient pour gouverner et auxquelles ils se mêlent, ils modèlent en profondeur les sociétés qu'ils dominent, dont il apparaît, à la lecture de ce livre, qu'elles ne sont pas socialement segmentées ni cloisonnées."
Bu araştırma gösteriyor ki ; vakıflar üzerinden ekonomik güçlendirme her hangi bir toplumda kalkınmayı ölçmek için nemli hale gelmiştir, vakıfların ekonomik durumunu güçlendirip kalkındırmak için hükümet ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının elinden geldiğince destek vermeleri gerekiyor. Aynı zamanda ekonomik güçlendirme ile alakalı tüm sıkıntıları ulusal , blgesel ve uluslararası kuruluşlara anlatılması gerekir çünkü güçsüz bir toplum ile hiç bir devlet kalkınmayı sağlayıp ayağa kalkamaz. Ayrıca , her hangi bir toplumu bir kalkınma sürecin içine katarsan demek oluyor ki bu adıma göre toplumların gelişip gelişmeyeceğine karar verilir, uluslararası arenada büyük devletlerden biri olabilmek için toplumu kalkınma sürecin içine katmakla olur . Hayırlı ve gnüllülük işi olduğu için bu alan her zaman fakirlik sıkıntısını çzüp ekonomik güçlendirmek için nemli rol almıştır. Vakıf kuruluşların tarihine bakarsak grürüz ki ekonomik güçlendirme vakıflar için hep sağlam bir kaynak olup bağışçıların ilgisini çekmiştir bu da şundan kaynaklanıyor; ekonomik güçlendirme hem eğitim, sağlık, genel hizmetler, ulaşım hem de konut yapımı için kolaylık sağlayıp tüccarlara , çiftçilere ve çalışanlara maddi olarak kaynak bulup finans etmiştir . Araştırmalara gre , sivil toplum kuruluşları, hayırsever kurumlar ve vakıflar fakirlere ister maddi ister teknik ister de ayni yardımları vererek aktif bir rol oynamıştır . STK'lar, gerek ulusal gerekse uluslararası arenada ekonomik güçlendirmek için bir rol oynadığını gösteriyor bir de devletlerin ve bağış yapan kurumların güvenini kazanıyor . Allah'a çok şükür ki bir taraftan kuranı kerim ve sünnetteki metin -VIIIbir taraftan da iktisatçılar, araştırmacılar ve bilim adamların söylediklerine dayalı olarak çalışmamdaki bu açıklayıcı yaklaşımı kullandım çünkü ekonomik güçlendirmede vakıfların önemli rolünü açıklamak istedim.aynı zamanda , araştırmalarımın doğruluğunu göstermek için son yıllarda ve çeşitli çağlardaki vakıfların tarihine ulaşabilmek için çok büyük çaba gösteip önemli tavsiyelerde bulunmak istedim ki belki ümmetin bu ekonomik sıkıntılarından kurtulmak için bir vesile olur ve bu tavsiyeler bu araştırmanın sonucudur. ; This study shows that economic empowerment through foundations has gained importance to measure the development in any society and governments and non-governmental organizations need to support as much as they can to strengthen and develop the economic situation of foundations. At the same time, all the problems associated with economic empowerment must be addressed to national, regional and international institutions. Because, with a powerless society, no state can provide development and stand up. In addition, if you put any society into a development process, it means that it is decided according to this order whether societies will develop or not. In order to be one of the greatest states in the international arena, society must be involved in the development process. Because it is a voluntary and charity work, this area has always played an important role in solving poverty and strengthening the economy. If we look at the history of foundations, we can see that the economic empowerment has always been a solid source for foundations and has attracted the interest of donors. It is because the economic empowerment facilitated both education, health, general services, transportation and housing construction, and funded traders, farmers and employees by finding financial sources. According to researches, non-governmental organizations, philanthropic institutions and foundations have played an active role by providing financial, technical or in-kind aid to the poor. NGOs Show that they play a role in economic empowerment both nationally and internationally and they gain the trust of states and donor agencies as well. Thanks to Allah, I have used this explanatory approach in my study, on the one hand based on -VIthe texts of Quran Karim and Sunna, and on the other hand what are said by the economists, researchers and scientists, because I wanted to explain the importance of foundations in the economic empowerment. At the same time, in order to prove out my researches, I wanted to make great efforts and to make important recommendations to reach the history of foundations in recent years and at various times, so that it conduces to an opportunity for Ummah to get rid of these economic troubles and these recommendations are the result of my study.
In Madīḥ al-karāhiya (The Praise of Hatred, 2006), Syrian novelist Khālid Khalīfa devotes his art to the literary representation of martyrdom. In this novel, the relationship between body, violence and identity is explored in order to represent and challenge any form of repression—be it political or religious—that ravaged Syria during the 1980s. The novel's female protagonist is a teenager from a Muslim family of Aleppo. Upset by the changes that are happening to her body—she is becoming a woman—her wish to escape sexual desire and to conceal the signs of her femininity brings her closer to a group of Muslim extremists who practice armed struggle. By focusing on this female character, Khālid Khalīfa questions the role of violence and religion in the process of the individual's subjectivation. The adolescent female body becomes the symbol of the individual's rejection of norms, a nonconformism that cannot be accepted by society. For the protagonist, martyrdom is the means to define her individual identity and to appropriate her body by imposing it on the public space and on her community. ; 1 ; open ; Non definito ; Dans Madīḥ al-karāhiya (L'éloge de la haine), roman publié en 2006, l'écrivain syrien Ḫālid Ḫalīfa se consacre à la représentation littéraire du martyre. Dans cette œuvre, la relation entre corps, violence et identité devient un moyen pour représenter et contester toute forme de pouvoir répressif – politique et religieux – ayant ravagé la Syrie pendant les années 1980. La protagoniste est une adolescente – issue d'une famille musulmane d'Alep – bouleversée par les changements de son corps. Sa volonté d'échapper à ses désirs sexuels et à la manifestation de plus en plus visible de sa féminité entraîne son rapprochement d'un groupe d'extrémistes musulmans qui pratiquent la lutte armée. En portant son attention sur l'individu féminin, Ḫālid Ḫalīfa s'interroge sur le rôle de la violence liée à la religion dans les processus de subjectivation des individus. Le corps féminin adolescent devient le symbole de ...
هدف البحث إلى التعرف على الذكاء الناجح وعلاقتة بمهارة اتخاد القرار لدى معلمي الطلبة المتميزين في مدارس الملك عبداللة الثاني للتميز على عينة قوامها (149) معلماً. تم استخدام المنهج الوصفي الارتباطي، ولتحقيق أهداف البحث استخدم الباحثان مقياس الذكاء الناجح (أبو جادو،2006)، ومقياس اتخاذ القرار(الشهري،2009)، بعد أن تم التحقق من صدق وثبات أداتي البحث. أشارت النتائج إلى أن مستوى الذكاء الناجح الكلي جاءت بدرجة ضعيفة، في حين أن مستوى اتخاذ القرار في الصورتين (أ) و (ب) جاء بدرجة مرتفعة. كما أظهرت الدراسة وجود علاقة ارتباطية موجبه داله إحصائياً بين قدرات ذكاء الناجح ومهارات اتخاذ القرار، أيضاً أشارت الدراسة إلى عدم وجود فروق ذات دلالة احصائية في الذكاء الناجح واتخاذ القرار تبعاً لمتغير الخبرة التعليمية. وفي ضوء النتائج السابقة يوصى الباحثان بإعداد برامج تدريبية على الذكاء الناجح موجهة للمعلمين الطلبة المتميزين. ; The research aimed to identifying the successful intelligence and its relationship to the decision-making skill among the teachers of gifted students in the schools of King Abdullah II for excellence on a sample of (149) teachers. The correlative descriptive approach was used, and to achieve the research objectives, the researchers have used the successful intelligence scale (Abu Jadu, 2006), and the scale of Decision-Making of (Al-Shehri, 2009), after being authentic of the credibility and stability of both instruments of research. The research consequences indicated that the successful intelligence total level have come in a weak grade, whereas the total level of decision-making in both types (A) and (B) has come in a high grade. The study, as well, has revealed the existence of positive correlative statistically-significant relationship between the successful intelligence potentials and the decision-making skills. The study, also, indicated to a non-existence of statistically-significant differences in the successful intelligence and the decision-making owing to the educational experience variable. In light of the previous results, the two researchers recommended to preparing training programs on the successful intelligence guided to the teachers of gifted students.
تناولت هذه الدراسة موضوعاً في غاية الأهمية يتعلق بإشكاليات تنفيذ الأحكام القضائية الإدارية الصادرة ضد الإدارة. وتهدف الدراسة إلى التصدي لظاهرة امتناع الإدارة عن تنفيذ الأحكام القضائية الإدارية والحد من حالات حدوثها، في ظل عدم إمكانية القاضي الإداري التدخل في عمل الإدارة. وتقوم مسؤولية الإدارة والموظف المسؤول في حالة الامتناع عن تنفيذ الأحكام القضائية الإدارية كذلك وفي حالتي التراخي أو التباطؤ في التنفيذ، فالموظف يمكن تحريك دعوى جنائية ضده بموجب أحكام المادة (182) من قانون العقوبات الأردني، ويمكن إثارة مسؤوليته التأديبية من جهة الإدارة ذاتها وبالنتيجة ممكن أن تعاقبه تأديبياً لإخلاله بواجباته الوظيفية، كما أن الإدارة يمكن إثارة مسؤوليتها عن التأخير في تنفيذ الأحكام القضائية الإدارية ورفع دعوى ضدها أمام القضاء الإداري للمطالبة بالتعويض كما أن القضاء الإداري يمكن أن يحكم عليها إضافة للتعويض بإلغاء القرار الإداري السلبي الناتج عن الامتناع. ; Abstract Researcher address in this study was a very important subject related to a problematic implementation of administrative judicial rulings issued against the administration. The study aims to address the phenomenon of the administration's failure to implement judicial rulings and reducing administrative cases occur in administrative judge to intervene in the work administration. The responsibility of the management and the employee that responsible for implementation in case of refusal from implementation of the administrative judicial rulings and in case of inaction or slowdown it is possible to move a criminal claim against him under the provision of article (182) of the Jordan penal code, and its possible to raise his disciplinary responsibility from the department side itself, as result its possible to punish him in disciplinarian way for the breach of his duties. Also it is possible to raise the management responsibility for the delay in the implementation of the administrative judicial rulings and moving claim against them in front of administrative judiciary for asking a compensation also the administrative judiciary can be judged in addition to the compensation by canceling the negative administrative decision that result from the refusal. KEYWORDS:THE NON-EXECUTION OF ADMINISTRATION , NULLITY JUDGMENTS, ADMINISTRATION JUDICIAL RULING.
ان الديمقراطية النيابية تعني قيام الشعب باختيار ممثلين عنه للحكم بدلا عنه لفترة زمنية معينة عبر انتخابات دورية .لذا فان تاقيت المجالس النيابية هي احد العناصر الاساسية للديمقراطية النيابية وتنتهي تمثيل المجلس النيابي للشعب صاحب السلطة الاصلي بانتهاء مدة ولاية المجلس ويفقد المثلون شرعيتهم لان الشعب انتخبهم لتمثيله فقط لتلك المدة المحددة في الدستور او القانون وينبغي العودة مجددا الى الشعب ليدلو بدلوه امما باعادة انتخابهم اذا رأى فيهم انهم قد احسنو تمثيله او يقوم بانتخاب نواب اخرين لكي يمثلوه لولاية جديدة،ولا يجوز تأخير الانتخابات او تمديد ولاية المجالس لانهم وكلاء عن الشعب ولا يجوز للوكيل تمديد مدة وكالته او ولايته ولكن نرى انه في الدول والاقاليم الحديثة العهد بالديمقراطية ومنها العراق واقليم كوردستان لا يتم الالتزام بمواعيد الانتخابات في حينها ويتم اللجوء في الكثير من الاحايين الى تمديد ولاية المجالس سواء ولاية المجالس الوطنية كمجلس النواب او المجلس الوطني في السابق و برلمان اقليم كوردستان او المجالس المحلية كمجالس المحافظات والبلديات في هذا البحث تناولنا حالات تمديد المجالس النيابية الوطنية والمحلية وعلى مستوى الدولة الاتحادية وعلى مستوى اقليم كوردستان ايضا. ; around the existence and non-existence with the timeliness corner of the parliamentary democracy, because the timeliness corner requires specifying a reasonable period of time for the mandate of the Parliamentary Councils, and on this basis most of the constitutions stipulated the determination of a reasonable time period that ranges from two to five years for the mandate of the Parliamentary Councils, And in order to renew the council's mandate at the end of the term, it also stipulated that a specific period be set before the mandate of the existing council to conduct elections to renew the council's term, and the formation of a new council with the end of the mandate of the existing council. The extension of the mandate of the House of Representatives is in violation of the rules of jurisdiction and delegation as well, because representatives are competent to exercise their powers defined in the constitution within a limited period of time and with the end of this period their powers to practice their business ends, and when they perform any work outside this period their behavior is tainted by the defect of lack of temporal competence Their behavior is invalid, in addition to that the extension of the mandate of the Parliament is considered contrary to the rules of delegation as well, because according to these rules the authority of the Commissioner ends once the time period specified for him has expired, and during our study of democracy we concluded that the people are the original owner The power to delegate power by all members of the people, the people authorized the deputies to exercise judgment in their place for a limited period and with their termination, the jurisdiction in question delegated to the original owner of the authority It should be noted that in the new countries of democracy, the constitutional and legal dates of the mandate of the Parliamentary Councils are not adhered to, and the elections are delayed and the mandate of those councils is extended, whether in Kurdistan or in the Iraqi federal state. In this research, the cases of extension to the national, local, or municipal councils are discussed with submitting the necessary proposals and recommendations not to Resorting to extending and abiding by the constitutional and legal dates of the elections in order for the parliament to retain its legitimacy
The Lebanon Economic Monitor provides an update on key economic developments and policies over the past six months. It also presents findings from recent World Bank work on Lebanon. It places them in a longer-term and global context, and assesses the implications of these developments and other changes in policy on the outlook for Lebanon. Lebanon continues to be impacted by the domestic political stalemate and regional turmoil, particularly along its border with Syria. Economic activity picked up in the second half of 2014. Stronger economic performance and lower oil prices pushed real GDP growth to an estimated 2.0 percent in 2014, compared to 0.9 percent in 2013. One-off cosmetic and unsustainable measures rather than policy actions helped improve the fiscal balance in 2014. We estimate the overall fiscal deficit to have declined by 2.3 percentage points. Declining imports lead an improvement in the current account balance. In 2014, a fall in merchandize imports induced a 4.4 pp reduction in the current account deficit to a still-elevated 22.2 percent of GDP. This trend is projected to continue in 2015 helped by falling oil prices and a depreciating euro, Headline inflation plummeted from 2.7 percent in 2013 to 1.9 percent in 2014 and is expected to remain tempered over the medium term. Lebanon s economy continues to be exposed to external shocks. The border with Syria is increasingly menacing as coordinated attacks by ISIS and Al Nusra are being launched more frequently from their bases in Syria. Inefficiencies in power generation impose sizable macroeconomic costs on Lebanon. The Lebanese electricity sector has been underperforming for decades with considerable socio-economic costs. The macroeconomic impact has been massive.
