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Since the Cold War have peace and reconciliation policies hold an ever greater place in Norwegian foreign policy, not least in the debate on the same. This contribution argues that this debate has been going awry on the way. Instead of a thinking abstractly, focusing on whether this policy is 'realistic' or 'idealistic', we should think of concrete, and ask how it could possibly affect the scope for Norwegian foreign policy. My answer to the question is that the Norwegian peace and reconciliation policy helps to maintain the current global order by removing disruptive that can spread and lead to systemic change. Understood so is peace and reconciliation policy in the middle of the Norwegian foreign main tradition, which is a help to 'a better organized world.'. Adapted from the source document.

This article summarizes Barack Obama's foreign policy during his short political career and labels his foreign policy as a mix of expansionism, realism, and institutionalism. A brief biography of Barack Obama is included to address Obama's views of the global community and history. Obama's views on Iraq, the war against terrorism, Iran, the UN, NATO, nuclear weapons, and climate change are examined. It is argued that Obama will be limited by circumstances in his ability to conduct foreign policy according to his convictions. Four examples are provided to illustrate actions desired by Obama but limited by circumstance, including a reform of the UN security council, nuclear disarmament, ratification of the US agreement with the International Court of Justice, and prevention of humanitarian disasters. It is suggested that Obama may prove to have individual strengths, including extraordinary powers of persuasion and inspiration, to overcome limitations and make a mark on history. The author speculates whether Obama's overall foreign policy objective will be peace or moral perfection. References. E. Sundby

During the Cold War the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was almost uncontested in its foreign policy role, a position that has become challenged since the 1990's due to the internationalization, globalization and europeanization of the world. In its European policy the ministry is challenged by business, non-profit organizations, political parties and regional/local governments. Due to Norway's role in peace operations, the foreign policy leeway of NGOs and the Norwegian Ministry of Development Cooperation has grown, and in addition the Norwegian Ministry of Defence has taken a stronger foreign policy position. All of these events have reduced the political power of the Norwegian foreign ministers, who have largely responded by emphasizing their role in the bigger picture of promoting security and peace throughout the world. Adapted from the source document.

A long time researcher of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) discusses the rich history of the institute including changes in its tasks, working methods, publications and leadership. While the model for NUPI has been around since the establishment of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) in 1920, it took almost four decades before the Norwegian equivalent was finally founded in 1959. In the early years NUPI focused on studying East-West relations, security policy and the UN, but towards the late 20th century this focus shifted towards the research of European policy, developmental policy and international economics. L. Pitkaniemi

Awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to the Chinese democracy activist Liu Xiaobo was received well internationally, but also raised a fair amount of criticism. Even if giving the peace prize to a democracy activist is more in line with Alfred Nobel's original intent than giving it to an environmentalist, Mr. Xiaobo is also undermining the Chinese stability and therefore threatening the country's internal peace. Some critics have also argued that the Nobel committee went again after a popular media personality, whose selection is not going to change the direction of a large populous country. Another problem is that the Nobel peace prize committee consists of Norwegian politicians and therefore the award is often seen as an extension of Norwegian foreign policy. L. Pitkaniemi

Norwegian peace initiatives in Eritrea The Norwegian Model is defined as flexible cooperation between government authorities, NGOs and academia applying personal networks and informal settings. The model was coined as a concept in relation to the back-channel that led to the Oslo Accord in 1993. However, similar practices within Norwegian foreign policy were manifest in previous instances as well. Through a discussion of empirical data, this article argues that Norwegian mediation in regard to the Eritrean liberation struggle was a precursor to the Norwegian Model. Adapted from the source document.

Introduces sports aid and sports organizations as a form of foreign policy that demands more attention from political scientists. In Norway, a redefinition (1972-1973) of culture provided sports a political arena for the first time, which eventually expanded into the foreign aid territory and thus became a part of overall foreign policy. A similar kind of shift has taken place internationally as the UN declared year 2005 as "The International Year of Sport and Physical Education". The main goal for Norwegian sports aid is to enhance peace and democracy by providing opportunities for the people to engage in sporting activities by mainly building sporting infrastructure. A case study of this policy in action is provided. L. Pitkaniemi

For tjue ar siden pavirket utgivelsen av rapporten 'New Dimensions of Security' fra FNs utvikhngsprogram, UNDP, en allerede gryende debatt om sikkerhet. I denne artikkelen undersokes dagens status for human security som et komplekst og mangfoldig kunnskapsfelt. I fire steg diskuterer jeg begrepets fleksibilitet, vektleggingen av subjektivitet og kontekstuelle og helhetlige forstaelser av sikkerhet. Videre droftes human security som del av en etisk utenrikspolitikk og militaere intervensjoner i tiden etter den kalde krigen. Human security har som kunnskapsfelt en iboende spenning mellom analyser av usikkerhet og sosial organisering pa lokalt niva og human security som retorisk instrument for a legitimere fred/krigforing. A undersoke og forsta den symbolske makten i det vage og abstrakte begrepet human security, bade slik det framstar og brukes i konkrete sammenhenger, kan vaere en vei til kritiske analyser i dette kunnskapsfeltet Twenty years ago the release of the UNDP report 'New Dimensions of Security' stimulated what was already a sprawling debate on security. This article explores the status of human security today as a complex and diverse field of knowledge. In four steps I discuss the flexibility of the concept, the emphasis on subjectivity, contextual and holistic understandings of security as well as how human security is part of an ethical and interventionist foreign policy in the post-cold-war era. I argue that human security as a field of knowledge is characterized by tension. A key tension is between an analytical approach to insecurities and social organization on the local level and analyses of human security as a rhetorical tool legitimizing peace-/war-making. Exploring the symbolic power in the vague and abstract notion of human security, how it is represented and employed in concrete contexts, is one approach to critical analysis in this field. Adapted from the source document.