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Туркманчайский мирный договор и формирование новой линии российской политики в Иране ; THE TOURKMANCHAY PEACE TREATY AND FORMING the NEW RUSSIAN POLICY IN iRAN
В статье рассматривается проблема формирования новой линии российской политики в Иране после заключения Турк-манчайского договора в 1828 г. Это был период, когда отношения между двумя странами обратились от враждебности к сотрудничеству под патронатом России. Двумя основными принципами политики России в Иране после 1828 г. стало строгое соблюдение условий Туркманчайского договора и укрепление политического влияния в стране. ; The article concerns the problem of forming the new way of Russian policy in Iran after the conclusion of the Tourkmanchay Treaty in 1828. It was a period, when the relations between two states turned from the hostility to the cooperation, under the Russian patronage. According to the article, there were two main principles of Russian policy in Iran after 1828: the strict compliance of the Tourkmanchay treaty conditions and strengthening of political influence in the country.
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Much Ado About Nothing: Disinformation Campaigns and Foreign Policy in Iraq
Blog: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace - sada
A recent conspiracy about U.S. troops points to the wider problem of unregulated media in Iraq's polarized political environment.
ВНЕШНЯЯ ПОЛИТИКА БОЛЬШЕВИКОВ НАКАНУНЕ ПАРИЖСКОЙ МИРНОЙ КОНФЕРЕНЦИИ 1919 г. ; THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE BOLSHEVIKS ON THE EVE OF THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE OF 1919
Цель. Рассматривается внешнеполитическая деятельность большевистского руководства накануне открытия Парижской мирной конференции. Анализируются стратегия и тактика РКП(б) осенью – зимой 1918–1919 гг., попытка наладить отношения с враждебно настроенными к РСФСР великими державами, стремление Советской России занять свое место в создающейся новой Версальской системе. Разбираются способы достижения этой цели.Методологической основой работы являются принципы объективности, историзма, критического подхода к использованным источникам и всестороннего анализа поставленной проблемы.Результаты. Доказывается, что международная обстановка, рост революционного движения в Европе в 1918–1919 гг., объединение всех левых сил вокруг советского государства заставили лидеров Англии и США послать своего представителя для переговоров с большевиками. С другой стороны, большевистское руководство стремилось договориться с мировыми державами о признании советского правительства даже путем временного отказа от интернациональных задач, осуществление которых было передано созданному в марте 1919 г. Коммунистическому Интернационалу. Сохранение Советского государства большевики ставили выше идеи «мировой революции».Область применения результатов. Результаты работы могут быть использованы для дальнейших исследований в области истории и политологии, а также в ходе преподавания этих дисциплин в вузе. ; Purpose. The article examines the foreign policy activities of the Bolshevik leadership on the eve of the opening of the Paris Peace Conference. The strategy and tactics of the RCP (B) in the autumn-winter of 1918–1919 are analyzed, as well as the attempt to establish relations with the great powers hostile to the RSFSR, the striving of Soviet Russia to take its place in the new Versailles system. The ways to achieve this goal are exploring.The methodological basis of the article are the principles of objectivity, historicism, a critical approach to the sources used and a comprehensive analysis of the problem posed.Results: it is argued that the international situation, the growth of the revolutionary movement in Europe in 1918–1919, the unification of all left-wing forces around the Soviet state forced the leaders of Britain and the US to send their representative for talks with the Bolsheviks. On the other hand, the Bolshevik leadership sought to reach agreement with the world powers on recognizing the Soviet government, even by temporarily abandoning international goals, the implementation of these tasks was delegated to the Communist International created in March 1919. The preservation of the Soviet state was put by the Bolsheviks above the idea of a "world revolution".Scope of application of the results. The results of the work can be used for further research in the field of history and political science, as well as in the teaching of these disciplines in the university.
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Версальский мирный договор в большевистской пропаганде и политике памяти постреволюционного периода ; Versals peace contract in the bolshevik propaganda and the memory policy of the post-revolutionary period
This paper examines how Soviet anti-Versailles rhetoric was actively used in foreign and internal policy to legitimise Bolshevik power, train party cadres, and mobilise the masses politically. It explains that criticism of the Versailles order was an important feature of Bolshevik postrevolutionary discourse on the Great War. Soviet Russia portrayed the settlement as unjust, unstable, and leading to feverish rearmament amongst the "imperialist" powers. ; В статье анализируются проявления анти-Версальского политического курса большевиков в постреволюционный период. Показано, что анти-Версальский дискурс был нацелен на легитимацию большевистской власти, мобилизацию "трудящихся" масс, использовался в системе идеологической подготовки коммунистов внутри страны и за рубежом. Критика Версальского договора и послевоенного мирного урегулирования была важной составляющей официального большевистского дискурса о мировой "империалистической" войне, инструментом политики памяти.
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Twitter diplomacy as an instrument of foreign policy communication
In: Diplomatic Service, Issue 1, p. 65-75
Currently, social networks are increasingly being used as an effective medium for public diplomacy. The article is devoted to the consideration of the phenomenon of Twitter diplomacy and its role in the foreign policy of most countries of the world. The events of recent years show that Twitter has not only become a new tool in diplomatic activity, but also changed the way the diplomatic processes themselves are perceived. Diplomats and world political leaders have begun to understand the benefits of some of Twitter's services and capabilities to maintain the most favorable relationships in a networked public space. Thanks to Twitter, the relationship between social networks and diplomacy began to transform into a dynamically developing modern phenomenon, showing that social networks can play both negative (Twitter revolutions, social instability, the formation of negative public opinion, etc.), and a positive important role in building favorable relations and ensuring peace between peoples. Therefore, Twitter today remains the most popular social network for world political leaders and foreign ministries of several countries.
Solidarity Between Human and Non-Human Animals: Representing Animal Voices in Policy Deliberations
In this paper, we discuss the bridging potential of "interspecies" solidarity between the often incommensurable ethics of care and justice. Indeed, we show that the Environmental Communication literature emphasizes feelings of care and compassion as vectors of responsibility taking for animals. But we also show that a growing field of Political Animal Rights suggest that such responsibility taking should instead be grounded in universalizable terms of justice. Our argument is that a dual conception of solidarity can bridge this divide: On the one hand, solidarity as a pre-political relation with animals and, on the other hand, as a political practice based on open public deliberation of universalizable claims to justice; that is, claims to justice advanced by human proxy representatives of vulnerable non-humans. Such a dual conception can both challenge and validate NGOs' claims to "speak on behalf of animals" in policy following the Aarhus Convention, indeed underwriting the Convention by insights from internatural communication in solidarity as relation, and by subjecting it to rational scrutiny in mini-publics in solidary as practice.
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Белорусско-ватиканские отношения: диалог во имя мира ; Belarus-Vatican Relations: the Dialogue for Peace
Ключевые слова: «восточная политика» Ватикана; дипломатические отношения; Европейский союз; кардинал; нунций; официальный визит; папа; Святой престол; церковь. = Keywords: cardinal; church; diplomatic relations; «Eastern policy» of the Vatican; European Union; Holy See; nuncio; offi cial visit; Pope. ; Белорусско-ватиканские отношения, их предыстория и современное состояние в белорусской историографии не получили обстоятельного освещения. В статье показан процесс их установления и развития, выявлены причины и факторы, оказывающие на них влияние. Рассматриваются особенности восточной политики Ватикана в прошлом и в настоящее время, влияние отношений государства и католической церкви в Беларуси на позицию апостольской столицы. Беларусь заинтересована в прочных двусторонних отношениях с Ватиканом по ряду причин, в первую очередь, в целях улучшения отношений с Западом. Ватикан же видит в Беларуси прежде всего «мост» на Восток для осуществления евангелизации и реализации экуменических целей. Освещаются визиты в Ватикан Президента Республики Беларусь Александра Лукашенко в 2009 и 2016 гг. и его встречи с Папой Бенедиктом ХVI и Папой Франциском. = The Belarus-Vatican relations, their prehistory and the current state in the Belarusian historiography have not received an extensive coverage. The article shows the process of their establishment and development. Causes and factors influencing them are revealed. Peculiarities of the Vatican «Eastern policy» in the past and at the present stage, influence of relations between the state and the Catholic Church in Belarus on the Apostolic capital position are considered in the research. The Belarusian authorities are interested in strong bilateral relations with the Vatican due to the number of reasons, primarily, in order to improve relations with the West. And above all, the Vatican also sees in Belarus a bridge to the East for implementation of evangelization and realization of ecumenical goals. The article also covers official visits of the President of the Republic of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko to Vatican in 2009 and 2016 and his meetings with Pope Benedict XVI and Pope Francis.
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Политика Швейцарской Конфедерации в сфере безопасности человека ; Human security policy of the Swiss Confederation
Ключевые слова: безопасность человека; добрые услуги; насильственный экстремизм; разоружение и нераспространение оружия; частные военные и охранные компании; Инициатива Нансена; Совет ООН по правам человека; смертная казнь; миграционные партнерства. = Keywords: human security; good offices; violent extremism; disarmament and non-proliferation; private military and security companies; Nansen Initiative; UN Human Rights Council; death penalty; migration partnerships. ; Статья посвящена реализации концепции безопасности человека во внешней политике и политике безопасности Швейцарии. В ней дается краткий обзор исследований этой концепции и ее отдельных аспектов. Оценивается международная обстановка после окончания холодной войны и прослеживается история разработки концепции, начиная от первого упоминания в Докладе ООН о человеческом развитии (1994 г.) до итоговой формулировки (2012 г.), содержащей право всех людей на свободу от страха, свободу от нужды и свободу жить в достойных условиях. Делается акцент на том, что Конфедерация включила эту концепцию в свою политику в начале 2000-х гг., когда стратегия безопасности через сотрудничество (с 1999 г.) окончательно сменила ее предыдущую концепцию всеобщей обороны (с 1973 г.). Дается информация о соответствующей национальной правовой базе, работе координационного органа (отдела по вопросам безопасности человека) и механизмах финансирования. Описывая четыре основных направления деятельности Швейцарии в этой сфере – политику мира, гуманитарную политику, политику в области прав человека и внешнюю политику в области миграции, автор обращает внимание на то, что в каждом из них Конфедерация поддерживает различные инициативы и выступает с собственными, а также стремится расширять и укреплять международный диалог и сотрудничество. ; The article deals with the implementation of the concept of human security in Switzerland's foreign and security policy. It provides a brief overview of the studies on this concept and its individual aspects. It assesses the international situation after the end of the Cold War and traces the development of this concept from its first mention in the UN Human Development Report (1994) to the final formula (2012) entitling all individuals to freedom from fear, freedom from want and freedom to live in dignity. The article emphasizes the fact that the Confederation incorporated this concept into its policy in the early 2000s, when the strategy of security through cooperation (since 1999) had completely replaced its previous concept of total defence (since 1973). It describes the relevant national legal framework, coordinating authority (Human Security Division) and credit facilities. While describing the four main areas of Switzerland's activities in this area, i.e., peace policy, humanitarian policy, human rights policy and foreign policy on migration, the author notes that in each of them the Confederation supports various initiatives and submits its own as well as seeks to increase and strengthen the international dialogue and cooperation.
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Турция в поиске актуальной внешнеполитической стратегии (2002–2016 гг.)
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Volume 21, Issue 2, p. 104-111
ISSN: 2312-8704
The main idea of this article is to describe the process of Turkish foreign policy evolvement during the rule of Justice and Development party (JDP). From weak economy and unstable political situation in 2001, JDP quickly formulated a new strategy of foreign policy and stabilized economy. In the article the Turkish foreign policy in the 21st century is divided into several stages which respond to different international threats and circumstances. The first stage was a peacekeeping stage when Turkey tried to stabilize the situation near its borders and implement peace initiatives for the purpose to find new markets and allies. As a result, Turkey formulated a new strategy of foreign policy, called "Zero Problems Policy" which aimed to create a ring of friendly countries on the borders. On the second stage, Turkish foreign policy was more active – Turkey tried to balance among regional power centers and confront with one of the most powerful actors – Israel. Confrontation with Tel Aviv was a preface to the third stage, and today under the influence of "Arab Spring" and desire to change its role in international relations, Turkey refused "Zero Problems Policy" strategy and turned to a new aggressive and revanchist idea – neo- Ottomanism. Ankara tries to build a new regional set of rules where Turkey will play a leading role.
IV КОНГРЕСС КОМИНТЕРНА О ВОЙНЕ И МИРЕ ; THE IV CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL ON WAR AND PEACE
Цель. В статье рассматривается проблема войны и мира в документах IV конгресса Коммунистического Интернационала. Этот форум был призван выработать научно-обоснованную стратегию мирового коммунистического движения в условиях завершения становления Версальско-Вашингтонской системы международных отношений. Анализируется не только сложившийся в начале 1920-х годов мировой порядок, но и теоретические и тактические установки IV конгресса по вопросу «империалистических», национально-освободительных, революционных и гражданских войн, а также проблема сохранения мира и создания Соединенных Штатов Европы и Азии.Методологическую основу исследования составляют принципы объективности, историзма, критического подхода к использованным источникам и всестороннего анализа поставленной проблемы.Результаты. В статье прослеживается взаимосвязь теоретических представлений руководства Коминтерна о войне и мире с идеей мировой революции; отмечается, что отказ от нее и поворот «вправо» в решениях IV конгресса связан с внешнеполитическими интересами Советской России; анализируются два различных сценария развития событий, предложенных теоретиками Коммунистического Интернационала. «Правым» лидерам Коминтерна, ориентированным на интеграцию Советской России в мировую экономическую систему, удалось одержать на конгрессе временную победу над «левыми», нацеленными на новое «революционное наступление». Была предпринята попытка сближения с европейской социал-демократией. Выдвинут лозунг «единого фронта».Область применения результатов. Результаты работы могут быть использованы для дальнейших исследований в области истории и политологии, а также в ходе преподавания этих дисциплин в вузе. ; Purpose. The article deals with the problem of war and peace in the documents of the IV Congress of the Communist International. The forum was launched to develop a science-based strategy to the world communist movement in the conditions of the completion of the formation of the Versailles-Washington system of international relations. The author analyzes not only the world order formed in the early 20-ies, but also the theoretical and tactical setup of the IV Congress on "imperialist", national-liberation, revolutionary and civil wars, as well as the problem of the preservation of peace and the establishment of the United States of Europe and Asia.The methodological basis of the study comprises the principles of objectivity, historicism, a critical approach to the sources used and comprehensive analysis of the problem.Results. The article traces the correlation of the Comintern leadership's theoretical concepts on war and peace with the idea of world revolution. It notes that the rejection of the revolution and turn "right" in decisions of the IV Congress was linked to foreign policy interests of the Soviet Russia. Two different scenarios proposed by the theoreticians of the Communist International are analyzed. In general, during the Congress, "right" leaders of the Comintern, oriented on integration of the Soviet Russia into the global economic system, managed to temporary win over the "left", aimed at a new "revolutionary offensive". Attempt of rapprochement with the European social democracy was made nominated by the slogan of "united front."Practical implications. The results of the analysis can be used for further research in the field of history and political science, as well as in the teaching of these subjects in institutes of higher education.
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FEATURES OF FOREIGN POLICY METAPHORS FUNCTIONING ; ОСОБЕННОСТИ ФУНКЦИОНИРОВАНИЯ ВНЕШНЕПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ МЕТАФОР
The paper discusses the role of conceptual metaphor in the foreign policy discoursewhich is its part and parcel. Conceptual metaphor is a universal tool of a politician bywhich he influences and manipulates public consciousness to solve his own problems. Conceptualmetaphor is a derivative of political struggle and the means of comprehension offoreign policy as it reflects the situation in the world. ; В статье рассматривается функционирование метафор во внешнеполитическомдискурсе. Метафора – универсальный инструмент политика, посредством которогоон, влияя на общественное сознание, манипулирует им, решая свои проблемы. Ме-тафоры являются производными политической борьбы и средством осмыслениявнешней политики, поскольку отражают сложившуюся ситуацию в мире.
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Australijos užsienio politika: raida ir ypatumai ; Foreign Policy of Australia: Development and Peculiarity
From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.
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Australijos užsienio politika: raida ir ypatumai ; Foreign Policy of Australia: Development and Peculiarity
From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.
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