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Argues that there is an alliance between modern knowledge & the politics of security of the national state. In this alliance, both philosophy & politics are dedicated to the stabilization of security in the face of an actually existing environment of contingency, flux, & more generalized insecurity. This long-standing alliance has taken on varying forms. In Plato & early Christianity, a supersensible universe controlled the insecurity of Heraclitean flux, first by the idea & then institutionally, through the Church as the condition of human salvation. In early modernity, secular delegitimation of the Church led to a new locus of control. Later, in philosophy, the ideas of rationalism & empiricism helped control epistemological insecurity. In politics, for its part, chaos is exogenized by the institution of the Machiavellian & Hobbesian nation-state. Possible contemporary alliances are considered in the context of late-modern assumptions, in which nature becomes no longer a world of entities available to beings for transformation in respect to its finalities, but instead, a stock of raw material for our own ends. 72 References. V. Rios

The last half of the 20th century has witnessed the globalization of the economy, the weakening of the nation-state, the erosion of the welfare state, greater interconnections between science & the state, intensified administrative control, the demise of the political life, the end of imperialism, & the appearance of new social movements, which together have produced a new form of politics. Michel Foucault's analysis of the micropower, disciplinary dimensions of politics, & the close connection between knowledge & power make signal contributions in this context, because they are targeted precisely at the question of how disciplinary powers become legitimate. Moreover, Foucault's conception of government as the capacity to conduct is a more useful tool for investigating the modern condition than any other tool that the social sciences have produced. It is conceded that Foucault's notion of the ethical life as a work on the self is not very helpful, but if this conclusion seems muddled, it is only because the contemporary moment itself is muddled on the possibilities of individuality in the late 20th century. D. Ryfe

The author takes up the question of the usefulness of theory to the practice of feminist scholarship & at least as importantly to the practice of feminism & to the lives of women -- especially poor women living in societies in which women have even fewer rights than do their sisters elsewhere. Still, despite the limitations of theory, she argues that feminist philosophers should take up Kant's practical postulate. Women continue to suffer throughout the world from pervasive discrimination vis-a-vis all major human capabilities, including life itself, but this does not mean that the large-scale practical task of wedding history to theory should not be attempted. Such an attempt remains morally valuable to help us sustain hope about the human condition. D. Knaff

Discusses the relationship of women's studies to the discipline of philosophy, drawing on personal experiece as a feminist philosopher. Traditionally, philosophy has been dominated by a male perspective that privileges a combative culture, a disembodied form of reason, & a preference for analysis of themes & issues pertinent to the public rather than private sphere. In this climate, feminism has been pushed to the margins of philosophy, forcing women to choose between success on the discipline's terms or migration to women's studies programs. In arguing that women philosophers should continue to inhabit the borderlands between philosophy & women's studies, three dangers in inhabiting this space are raised: the tendency to turn philosophy into an exercise in literary analysis; (2) the tendency to make feminist arguments inaccessible to educated readers; & (3) the tendency to base one's work solely on linguistic or psychoanalytic theories. It is concluded that feminists can continue to occupy the borderlands by maintaining a commitment both to political engagement & to critical scrutiny. 14 References. D. M. Ryfe

This chapter places Oakeshott's criticism of the demarcation in the current debate on the separation of social sciences from the natural sciences & history. Nineteenth century thinking on the epistemological status of historical inquiry resulted in a hermeneutic tradition that purports to generate knowledge detached from values, interests & practical concerns that compose that experience. The deeply rooted error in the hermeneutic tradition is the failure to question the premises of the sciences it seeks to theorize. In "On Human Conduct," Oakeshott identifies the ambiguity of social science attempts at explaining intelligent conduct as the outcome of non-intelligent processes. Human conduct cannot be explained in general categories or social circumstances, or through the pretense of statistical generalizations, but must be understood through open-ended interpretations such as the controlled use of metaphor, exploration of the contextuality of meaning of action, & the evanescent & emergent quality of the relationship to other actions, or a historical explanation proper. 15 References. J. Harwell

The relationship between the postmodern & feminist accounts of philosophy & social criticism is discussed in reference to the potential for a mutually beneficial form of postmodern feminism. Both postmodernists & feminists have attempted to develop new frameworks of social criticism that do not rely on traditional philosophy. Postmodernists have emphasized the philosophy aspect of this goal, while feminists have focused on social criticism. It is argued that both discourses have developed complementary strengths & weaknesses, & cooperation between the disciplines could elucidate & overcome their internal shortcomings: a postmodern critique of feminism could reveal its essentialist tendencies, while a feminist critique of postmodernism could expand its political relevance. Following an examination of these weaknesses utilizing the work of Jean Francois Lyotard & various feminist theorists, the defining characteristics of postmodern feminism are depicted as (1) recognition of the importance of historical narratives & societal macrostructures; (2) historical & cultural sensitivity; & (3) an emphasis on alliances between differences rather than universal homogeneity. 33 References. T. Sevier

The chapter discusses the cultural & cognitive difficulties arising from Western philosophical inquiries into Confucianism. The tendency to inquire is itself potentially essentializing & imperialistic, especially as applied to the Confucian tradition, which is chiefly aesthetic rather than epistemological, & assumes uniqueness rather than generalizability. A comparison of Western & Chinese philosophical discourses is followed by discussion of key issues such as continuity, tradition, "sedimentation," & transcendence. 38 References. K. Coddon

Historians have been wary of oral & even written testimony on the Holocaust, because they need to produce an accurate & balanced picture of a past event. It is argued that historians tend to avoid these testimonies, because they clarify why the excessive events of the Holocaust force a break with the normal philosophy of history. The Holocaust was "a time of trauma" that escapes conventional historiography & notions of historical time. These claims are supported by an analysis of Fragments: Memories of a Childhood, 1939-1948, by Binjamin Wilkomirski (1996), & Konin: A Quest, by Theo Richmond (1996). These histories are bound together by a common philosophical framework that transcends their differences. M. Pflum

Considers the Marxist project in terms of a set of foundational myths similar to those propounded by its major nemesis, Christianity. In G. W. F. Hegel, the original Christian metaphysics undergoes a historicist revision such that the divine will evolve not in heaven, but in human history. Karl Marx turned this mythology on its head by translating it into social terms. In Marxism, social being came to replace being, absolute freedom was theorized as a process of social revolution, & heaven was replaced by a scheme of political organization -- communism. This mythology appealed to the European working classes because it offered them a radical & final release from their situation. It was disseminated through Leninist philosophy, which constructed a new set of social hierarchies on the basis of values that referred to a mythical future. The transition from an eschatology-oriented society in Eastern Europe toward a one-dimension liberal reality has consisted precisely in replacing the Marxist mythology with the institutions of the market & law. 10 References. D. Ryfe

The author describes major ultra-nationalist movements (fascism & national socialism) in contemporary Russia. These movements have arisen largely in response to the perceived failure of neoliberalist reforms since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia is a "torn country" that is undergoing political & economic Westernization -- an irreversible process that has brought severe economic problems & a declining standard of living for the majority. The new regime is described as a mixture of liberal democracy, authoritarianism, & capitalism. The author concludes that the shift from Russian communism to national patriotism is a key feature of modernization in post-Soviet Russia, & that the nation's current problems are similar to those caused by globalization & Westernization elsewhere. 1 Table, 34 References. J. R. Callahan