Search results

"Governance for Peace presents a comprehensive analysis of the dimensions of governance that are most likely to prevent armed conflict and foster sustainable peace. It is an accessible study written for the general reader that brings together the best empirical evidence across numerous disciplines showing how effective governance and inclusive, participatory, and accountable institutions help to reduce violence by addressing social needs and providing mechanisms for resolving disputes. This balanced and incisive book gives meaning to the term 'good governance' and identifies the specific features of political and economic institutions that are most likely to promote peace within and between states."

In this response to "The Political Nuances of Narratives and an Urban Educator's Response," the authors applaud Pearman's critical approach to deconstructing and challenging narratives of heroic figures who single-handedly change the world and agree with him that these narratives restrict the sense of agency that may propel citizens to become actively involved in social change efforts. We argue that it is important to question why these narratives exist and to understand them in light of the hegemonic capitalist structure that exploits the masses in service to the capitalist class. Although we agree with Pearman that democracy is best served by the participation of every individual in society, we question that common sense coupling of democracy and capitalism and argue that this coupling is integral to the success of the ruling class to maintain the status quo. We find his work of critical importance such that teachers may create classroom contexts that enable students not only to desire to take part in civic responsibilities but also to feel capable of making important contributions that shape society, including challenging the relations of domination across antagonisms: poverty, racism, sexism, heterosexism, et cetera.

Many contemporary democratic theorists now base their conceptions of democracy not on the value of citizen participation but on deliberation instead. This apparently slight shift in emphasis marks an important change in the critical project of democratic theory. Although participatory & deliberative democratic theory are in some ways similar, close readings of the recent work of a number of leftist deliberative democrats reveal not only fundamental criticisms of their participatory predecessors but a strikingly different assessment of the political world as well. Deliberative democrats strive to avoid the charge of utopianism so often leveled against participatory theorists; in doing so, however, they lose the power to distinguish critically between the potential for democracy & its realization. Deliberative democratic theory, therefore, should not be understood as a revision of the participatory project, but rather as an independent &, for now, underdeveloped theory of democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Women participation in Nigerian politics is crucial to the development of Nigeria and since women constitute a sizeable proportion of the population, neglecting them may mean losing their valuable contribution. Traditional socio-economic and political and cultural structures aid discrimination against women leading to loss of contributions of women to societal development. Raising the status of women through gender empowerment has is considered in certain quarters as vital in the quest towards improvement in living standards and wellbeing of the masses in economies transiting to stability. Despite global efforts to improve the poor conditions of women through numerous conventions and conferences such as CEDAW, MDGs among others, gender discrimination has not ceased. The paper aims at throwing light on gender discrimination, obstacles to gender equality and suggests strategies for promoting effective gender equality and empowerment of women. Using secondary data, from the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, the paper found that gender discrimination exists in all variable indicators considered. Current status of Nigerian women in relation to men in the areas of education, income, labor force and share of seats in parliament or level of political participation were considered. Some of the main factors militating against women's effective participation in politics are illiteracy, poverty, money politics, instrument of intimidation, harmful traditional practices and discriminatory cultural stereotypes, violence against women, barriers by electoral process, and religious barriers. It is suggested that more efforts are required by civil society groups and government agencies for greater awareness on gender issues and rekindling efforts of all stakeholders in the quest to formulating policies and programs towards reduction of gender inequality.

Daha önce 2015 Türk Göç Konferansı'nda Prag'da açılış konuşması olarak sunulmuş olan bu makalede, Brettell ABD'de Hintlilerin sivil topluma ve siyaste katılım süreçlerini ve vatandaşlık edinme süreçlerini tartışmaktadır. Dallas Fort Worths Metropol bölgesinde yaşayan Hindistan ve Vietnam doğumlu göçmenlerin ABD vatandaşlığına geçiş süreçlerini kültürel vatandaşlık kavramı çerçevesinde bölgede gerçekleştirdiği nitel saha çalışmasına dayanarak inceliyor. Toplumsal katılım bir süreçtir. Bu gözlemde birey bir yere yerleştikçe büyük sivil ve siyasi varlığı olan toplum derneklerinin etkinliklerine katılıyor olması; bir pratik toplumundan diğerine doğru, yani Lave ve Wenger'in ileri sürdüğü gibi periferde bir konumdan merkeze doğru kayıyor olması kastediliyor. Ancak aynı zamanda bu etkinlikler, yeni göçmenlerin aidiyetlerini, Amerikan olmanın anlamı ve ne tür bir Amerikalı olmak istedikleri tartışması içinde nasıl kurguladıklarını da göstermektedir. ENGLISH ABSTRACTThis paper originally delivered as a keynote speech at the Turkish Migration Conference 2015 in Prague, Czech Republic on June 25, 2015. It focuses on civic engagementi political participation and citizenship practices of Asian Indians in Dallas Fort Worth Metropolitan area drawing on qualitative field research material. Community participation is a process. Embedded in this observation is an understanding that as the individual branches out, he or she is becoming involved with associations with great civic and/or political presence, moving from one community of practice to another, and from a peripheral position to one of greater participation to invoke the ideas of Lave and Wenger. But equally, these activities illustrate how new immigrants construct their own sense of belonging as they engage with and interpret what it means to be an American and what kind of an American they want to be.

Jedna od važnih pretpostavki ostvarivanja funkcionalne obrazovne politike jeste da se ključne odluke u domenu obrazovne politike donose uz konsultovanje s onima koji će te odluke neposredno sprovoditi. Cilj sprovedenog istraživanja je bio da se sagleda kako školski pedagozi opažaju učešće praktičara u procesu stvaranja i sprovođenja obrazovnih politika. Konkretnije, ispitivali smo ko je sve učestvovao u kreiranju aktuelnih reformskih rešenja u obrazovanju, kao i u kojoj meri su praktičari motivisani da se uključe u proces stvaranja i sprovođenja obrazovnih politika i zašto. Uzorak istraživanja je činilo 159 pedagoga, zaposlenih u osnovnim i srednjim školama širom teritorije Republike Srbije. Podaci, prikupljeni anketiranjem, ukazuju na to da praktičari, posmatrano iz ugla školskih pedagoga, ne učestvuju aktivno u procesu stvaranja i sprovođenja obrazovnih politika. Iskustvo neuzimanja u obzir perspektive praktičara, pa čak i izostavljanje prilike da budu pitani, doprinosi tome da se reformska rešenja opažaju kao nametnuta, nerelevantna i neprimerena lokalnom kontekstu, što potvrđuju i nalazi ovog istraživanja. Takve okolnosti nepovoljno deluju na motivisanost praktičara za sprovođenje obrazovno-političkih odluka i na suzbijanje otpora prema promenama. ; Odnim iz važnyh predvaritel'nyh uslovij v realizacii politiki funkcional'nogo obrazovaniâ âvlâetsâ to, čto klûčevye rešeniâ v oblasti obrazovatel'noj politiki dolžny prinimat'sâ v konsul'tacii s temi, kto budet neposredstvenno vypolnât' èti rešeniâ. Cel'û dannogo issledovaniâ bylo vyâsnit', kak škol'nye pedagogi vosprinimaût učastie praktikov v processe sozdaniâ i realizacii obrazovatel'noj politiki. V častnosti, bylo rassmotreno, kto vse učastvoval v razrabotke tekuŝih rešenij po reforme obrazovaniâ, a takže naskol'ko specialisty-praktiki zainteresovany v učastii v processe sozdaniâ i realizacii obrazovatel'noj politiki i počemu. Issledovanie provedeno s učastiem 159 pedagogov, rabotaûŝih v načal'nyh i srednih školah na vsej territorii Respubliki Serbiâ. Dannye, sobrannye v hode oprosa, pokazyvaût, čto praktiki s točki zreniâ škol'nyh pedagogov ne prinimaût aktivnogo učastiâ v processe sozdaniâ i realizacii obrazovatel'noj politiki. Opyt ignorirovaniâ točki zreniâ praktikov i daže upuŝenie vozmožnosti ih minimal'nogo učastiâ, sposobstvuet tomu, čto rešeniâ reform vosprinimaûtsâ kak navâzannye, nerelevantnye i neumestnye dlâ mestnogo konteksta, čto podtverždaetsâ rezul'tatami dannogo issledovaniâ. Takie obstoâtel'stva otricatel'no vliâût na motivaciû k realizacii rešenij v oblasti obrazovatel'noj politiki i podavlenie soprotivleniâ izmeneniâm. ; One of the important preconditions for the implementation of a functional education policy is that key decisions in the domain of education policy are taken following consultations with those who will be directly implementing these decisions. The aim of our research was to examine how school pedagogists perceive the participation of education practitioners in the process of creating and implementing education policies. More specifically, we sought to identify all those who participated in the creation of current reform solutions in education, and to find out to what extent education practitioners are motivated to get involved in the process of creating and implementing education policies and why. The research sample consisted of 159 pedagogists working in primary and secondary schools across the Republic of Serbia. The data, collected through a survey, indicate that practitioners, from the point of view of school pedagogists, do not take an active part in the process of shaping and implementing education policies. The experience of not taking into account the practitioners' perspective, even not giving them the opportunity to be asked for their input, contributes to reform solutions being perceived as imposed from above, non-relevant and inappropriate to the local context, which is borne out by the findings of this research. Such circumstances have a detrimental effect on education practitioners' motivation for implementing educational-political decisions and the suppression of resistance to changes.

"This book analyses the power that religion wields upon the minds of individuals and communities and explores the predominance of language in the actual practice of religion. Through an investigation of the diverse forms of religious language available oral traditions, sacred texts, evangelical prose and national rhetoric used by faith-insiders such as missionaries, priests or religious leaders who play the communicators role between the sacred and the secular the essays in the volume reveal the dependence of religion upon language, demonstrating how religion draws strength from a past that is embedded in narratives, infusing the sacred language with political power. The book combines broad theoretical and normative reflections in contexts of original, detailed and closely examined empirical case-studies. Drawing upon resources across disciplines, the book?will be of interest to scholars of religion and religious studies, linguistics, politics, cultural studies, history,?sociology?and social anthropology."--Provided by publisher

The Internet holds endless opportunities for exchange and dialogue and the promise of developing a better democratic model. Day-to-day politics are largely driven by economic lobbies in the interest of what Habermas calls their "generalised particularism," the threat to take jobs and tax revenues elsewhere. Citizens' influence over politicians is twofold: they are asked for their input in elections, referenda, online consultations and surveys, and citizens can initiate issues where they see political action needed. Yet these "participative forces," including NGOs, street rallies and charities, regularly fail to reach the ears of elected politicians as effectively as those of well-funded corporate lobbies. Also, this type of voluntary engagement often falls short of presenting the kind of reasoned challenges to the incumbents - by the electorate - that Habermas' communicative action aimed at. A more powerful model would therefore organise the efforts of the electorate in a way that both generates those reasoned arguments, which, as Habermas quite correctly pointed out differ from mere opinions, and delivers them to the elected politicians in a manner they can neither refuse nor ignore. This is what the Citizen Lobby intends to do.

Las forma diversas que adquiere la participación de los colectivos humanos en la construcción de un proyecto de sociedad son las que definen e instituyen una cultura política concebida como forma histórica y sistémica de tramar los intercambios materiales, simbólicos y prácticos entre los diversos grupos y colectividades que habitan un territorio y un tiempo común. América Latina está en la posibilidad y en la obligación de ofrecer una nueva y amplia gama de perspectivas vitales que se definen en la cultura. El artículo problematiza la participación como construcción colectiva de una polis, en el campo cultural, con el fin de contribuir a la profundización del proceso de democratización cultural en las sociedades latinoamericanas. ; The diverse forms that acquire the participation of a collectivity of individuals in the construction of a social project are what define the political culture, conceived as a historical and systemic form to exchange things and symbols between the divers groups and collective individuals that inhabitant a territory in a given time. Latin America has the chance and the obligation to offer ample forms of perspectives to define culture. The goal is to get deep in the process of cultural democratization in Latin American societies.

As part of the problems, the attempt of the analysis of the basic philosophical ideas of goodness in a historic transformation of the value of charity paradigm. The article is devoted to defining the basic philosophical ideas of goodness in terms of historical value Flexible paradigm of charity. Part provides an overview of features of the philosophical understanding of the problem of charity in line with classical and postmodern philosophy. On the basis of the philosophical analysis shows vector intentions of changing values guiding the transition of society model welfare state to the model of participation societу. Analyzes the transformation of charity in the spectral plane between samooriyentovanym and vzayemooriyentovanym good at domination are essential variation observed phenomenon.The authors attempt to find out rational and irrational component in moral goodness. A separate analysis focuses on the nature of moral charity constants from the standpoint of rational egoism and objectivism.It is shown that the process of globalization, socio-economic, political and territorial transformations of the second half of the XX–XXI century essentially shaken the position of the welfare state, and the wreckage of the welfare state, globalization steadily reduces participation society, which should limit the distribution of alms and to increase the responsibility of citizens for their own welfare.Proved that charity as a social institution and the phenomenon is able to become the communication channel that is not permeated with pragmatism, thirst for power and consumer ideology (as opposed to policy) is publicly available in its creation (unlike many forms of art) dominates dogmatically over man (religion), but at the same time, charity aimed at human consciousness. This social effect of charity is possible in conditions of transformational change its value paradigm that has to be permeated maxims partnership, cooperation, security and comfort, interdependence and commitment at all levels of relations benefactor, benifitsiariya and society. ; В рамках проблематики, осуществлен попытка анализа основных философских идей благодеяния в условиях исторической трансформации ценностной парадигмы благотворительности. Статья посвящена определению основных философских идей благодеяния в условиях исторической трансформации ценностной парадигмы благодияльности. Тезисно представлен обзор особенностей философского осмысления проблемы благотворительности в русле классической и постмодернистской философии. На основе проведенного философского анализа показан вектор изменения ценностных указателей при переходе общества с модели «государства всеобщего благосостояния» (welfare state) к модели «общества активного участия» (participation society). ; В межах проблематики, здійснено фрагментарну спробу проаналізувати основніфілософські ідеї благодіяння в умовах історичної трансформаці ціннісної парадигми благодіяльності. Тезисно представлено огляд особливостей філософського осмислення проблеми благодійності у руслі класичної та постмодерної філософії. На основі здійсненого філософського аналізу показано вектор інтенцій зміни ціннісних дороговказів при переході суспільства із моделі «держави загального добробуту» (welfare state) до моделі «суспільства активної участі» (participation society).

Inhaltsverzeichnis: Part I. Governance, democracy, and development. African development and democratization trajectories / Gashawbeza W. Bekele and Adebayo Oyebade -- The political ecology of sustainable development in Africa / Tadesse Kidane-Mariam -- Revisiting the promise of democracy and development in Africa / Phillip E. Agbebaku, William E. Odion, and Mohammed Itakpe -- Beyond the millennium development goals: localizing the development agenda in Nigeria / Funmi Adewumi -- Fallacy of development in Africa / Sunday Layi Oladipupo -- Political economy of postcolonial rail transportation management in Africa / Tokunbo A. Ayoola -- Part II: Democratization, democratic institutions, and uneven regional development. The legislature and tenure elongation in African presidential democracies / Joseph Yinka Fashagba and Rotimi Ajayi -- The African diaspora and the quest for democracy in Africa: revisiting the June 12, 1993 presidential election in Nigeria / Udida A. Undiyaundeye -- Bill of Rights for Africa: uneven regional development and indigenous peoples protests / Rufus T. Akinyele -- Part III: Gender relations, health care, and development. Vanishing or emerging voices? Nigerian women and political participation / Ngozi U. Emeka-Nwobia -- Women, conflict, and Nigeria's sustainable development agenda / Adaora Osondu-Oti -- Gabon's giant step in health care / Biale Zua.

A country's form of government has important economic and political consequences, but the determinants that lead countries to choose either parliamentary or presidential systems are largely unexplored. This paper studies this choice by analyzing the factors that make countries switch from parliamentary to presidential systems (or vice versa). The analysis proceeds in two steps. First, we identify the survival probability of the existing form of government (drawing on a proportional hazard model). In our model, which is based on 169 countries, we find that geographical factors and former colonial status are important determinants of survival probability. Also, presidential systems are, ceteris paribus, more likely to survive than parliamentary ones. Second, given that a change has taken place, we identify the underlying reasons based on panel data logit models. We find that domestic political factors are more important than economic ones. The most important factors relate to intermediate internal armed conflict, sectarian political participation, degree of democratization, and party competition, as well as the extent to which knowledge resources are distributed among the members of society.