This article presents a comparison of three approaches to international justice. The first part of the article focuses on the realist paradigm, the second section analyzes various liberal approaches, and the third part presents the basic ideas of neomarxism. The largest part of the article is devoted to a critical discussion of existing liberal approaches -- liberal institutionalism (R. Keohane), political liberalism (J. Rawls), democratic liberalism (J. Habermas), globalist utilitarianism (P. Singer), globalist egalitarianism (Ch. Beitz, T. Pogge), and liberal impartialism (B. Barry). The article concludes by synthesizing the insights of the three broad normative positions into a realist, yet at the same time critical, liberalism. Adapted from the source document.
One of the most fundamental concepts in international relations is the realistic theory of balance of power. David Hume saw the concept as a scientific law. Hans Morgenthau referred to it as an "iron law of politics. Henry Kissenger viewed it as an art rather than a science, which some political leaders practiced better than others. Some thought it more relevant for state strategy while others tried to understand its role in international relations. Thus, the only thing certain about the concept of balance of power is the ambiguity in its definition. This essay explores what the great powers are balanced against, under what circumstances, & with what potential outcomes in the contemporary world. J. Stanton
The past 15 years have seen an explosion of interest in the scholarship of E.H. Carr. As a founding figure of the realist approach to International Relations, as a philosopher of history and as a historian of the Soviet Union, Carr made important contributions. His work on the post-war political organisation of Europe has been somewhat neglected. While not going so far as to argue for the introduction of 'another E.H. Carr' -- Carr the European integration theorist -- this article argues that Carr's specific brand of realism has much to say not only about the establishment, but also about the subsequent development, of the European Economic Community. Carr's realism was, we argue, capable of understanding change in international society. This understanding was grounded in an appreciation of the role of power and morality in international politics and stands in sharp contrast to the emphasis on the structural factors that are prized by neorealists. While Carr's vision of post-war Europe has not materialised in its entirety, it captures some of the crucial fault lines that animate the European project. Building a bridge between European integration studies and Carr's realism will provide a fruitful avenue through which classical realism can once again begin to engage with developments in international politics. Adapted from the source document.
Black church, white state (1929-1944) -- Morehouse and more democracy (1944-1948) -- An emerging theology of the state (1948-1951) -- Encountering realism, countering realism (1951-1955) -- Against us, but for us (1954-1963) -- Against a minimalist state, but for a social-democratic state (1964-1965) -- Against a separate Black state, but for a revolutionized state (1966-1968).
Bu çalışmada Belucilerin ulusçu istemlerini meşrulaştıran toplumsal faktörler değerlendirilmiştir. Bu değerlendirmenin yapılmak istenmesinin esas nedeni, Pakistan ve İran toprakların da bölünmüş halde yaşayan bu halkın yükselen ulusçu istemleriyle küresel/bölgesel aktörlerin stratejileri arasında yakın bir ilişkinin olmasıdır. Beluci ulusçuluğunun değerlendirilmesi hususunda ise Kopenhag Okulunun öngördüğü güvenlikleştirme yaklaşımı kullanılmıştır. Ulusçuluk girişimleri genel itibarıyla devletler arası ilişkiler üzerinden ve realist kuram bağlamında anlamlandırıldığı için, Beluci kimliğinin konsolide olmasında etkili toplumsal faktörlerin sosyal inşacılık üzerine temellendirilmiş bir yaklaşım olan güvenlikleştirme çerçevesinde ele alınması önemli bir farklılık oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmanın vardığı sonuç ise, Beluci ulusal kimliğinin Pakistan ve İranın toprak bütünlüğünü tehdit edebilecek ve bölgesel dengelere etki edebilecek şekilde kullanılabilecek bir toplumsal meşruiyete sahip olduğudur. ; Societal factors that legitimize the nationalist volition of Baloch people are evaluated in this study. Main reason for making this evaluation is the close relation between the rising nationalist volition among the Baloch people and the strategies of the global/regional actors. The approach of securitization that the Copenhagen School has provided is used in analyzing the Baloch nationalism. Assessing the societal factors , which are influential in consolidating the Baloch identity by using the approach of securitization, constitutes an important difference. This is because the nationalist attempts are generally interpreted via interstate relations and by implying on the theoretical frame of realism. The study has attained that the Baloch national identity possesses a societal justification that threatens the territorial integrity of Pakistan and Iran and also influences the regional balances.
The authors examine the national states development scenarios on the basis of two tendencies – the world government nascence and strengthening of the nation state. The ideas about inevitable formation to the 2000 year of the «world state» in the form of conflict-free and just united society of humanism in 1990-years failed. The possibilities of passing to more humane, just and intelligent society changed to the scenarios of split to parts civilization, contradictions between which were practically impossible to solve.By the end of XX century the determinative feature in investigation of the further existence of a sovereign state investigation becomes an inconsistency of the globalization process, which, despite expectations, at one time integrates and disjoins nations. The 1990s witnessed, that within global governance of the continuous "Shift of power" from governments of nation states to some new supranational structure of international management is not observed. Rather we talk about fundamentally new tendency of world development: at the global level both states and transnational formations own "the part" of power. The capital flows, which are consistently increasing, and products crossing national borders, making them more and more transparent, demand creation of coordinating bodies at the supranational level, but not as a shape of a "world government", but as collective actions of governments of several states. This model propsed by German political scientist W. Beck, is based on the idea of transnational state, namely community of states. The process of globalization provides arguments for supporters of the traditional theory of political realism, who claim, that in future development scenarios the main parts, as previously, belong to strong states and their nation interests, strength of which will be only increasing due to economic integration. The debates are kept only about whom in XXI century the leadership belongs to - traditional Western centers of power or East which grows stronger. ; The authors examine the national states development scenarios on the basis of two tendencies – the world government nascence and strengthening of the nation state. The ideas about inevitable formation to the 2000 year of the «world state» in the form of conflict-free and just united society of humanism in 1990-years failed. The possibilities of passing to more humane, just and intelligent society changed to the scenarios of split to parts civilization, contradictions between which were practically impossible to solve.By the end of XX century the determinative feature in investigation of the further existence of a sovereign state investigation becomes an inconsistency of the globalization process, which, despite expectations, at one time integrates and disjoins nations. The 1990s witnessed, that within global governance of the continuous "Shift of power" from governments of nation states to some new supranational structure of international management is not observed. Rather we talk about fundamentally new tendency of world development: at the global level both states and transnational formations own "the part" of power. The capital flows, which are consistently increasing, and products crossing national borders, making them more and more transparent, demand creation of coordinating bodies at the supranational level, but not as a shape of a "world government", but as collective actions of governments of several states. This model propsed by German political scientist W. Beck, is based on the idea of transnational state, namely community of states. The process of globalization provides arguments for supporters of the traditional theory of political realism, who claim, that in future development scenarios the main parts, as previously, belong to strong states and their nation interests, strength of which will be only increasing due to economic integration. The debates are kept only about whom in XXI century the leadership belongs to - traditional Western centers of power or East which grows stronger.
The authors examine the national states development scenarios on the basis of two tendencies – the world government nascence and strengthening of the nation state. The ideas about inevitable formation to the 2000 year of the «world state» in the form of conflict-free and just united society of humanism in 1990-years failed. The possibilities of passing to more humane, just and intelligent society changed to the scenarios of split to parts civilization, contradictions between which were practically impossible to solve.By the end of XX century the determinative feature in investigation of the further existence of a sovereign state investigation becomes an inconsistency of the globalization process, which, despite expectations, at one time integrates and disjoins nations. The 1990s witnessed, that within global governance of the continuous "Shift of power" from governments of nation states to some new supranational structure of international management is not observed. Rather we talk about fundamentally new tendency of world development: at the global level both states and transnational formations own "the part" of power. The capital flows, which are consistently increasing, and products crossing national borders, making them more and more transparent, demand creation of coordinating bodies at the supranational level, but not as a shape of a "world government", but as collective actions of governments of several states. This model propsed by German political scientist W. Beck, is based on the idea of transnational state, namely community of states. The process of globalization provides arguments for supporters of the traditional theory of political realism, who claim, that in future development scenarios the main parts, as previously, belong to strong states and their nation interests, strength of which will be only increasing due to economic integration. The debates are kept only about whom in XXI century the leadership belongs to - traditional Western centers of power or East which grows stronger. ; The authors examine the national states development scenarios on the basis of two tendencies – the world government nascence and strengthening of the nation state. The ideas about inevitable formation to the 2000 year of the «world state» in the form of conflict-free and just united society of humanism in 1990-years failed. The possibilities of passing to more humane, just and intelligent society changed to the scenarios of split to parts civilization, contradictions between which were practically impossible to solve.By the end of XX century the determinative feature in investigation of the further existence of a sovereign state investigation becomes an inconsistency of the globalization process, which, despite expectations, at one time integrates and disjoins nations. The 1990s witnessed, that within global governance of the continuous "Shift of power" from governments of nation states to some new supranational structure of international management is not observed. Rather we talk about fundamentally new tendency of world development: at the global level both states and transnational formations own "the part" of power. The capital flows, which are consistently increasing, and products crossing national borders, making them more and more transparent, demand creation of coordinating bodies at the supranational level, but not as a shape of a "world government", but as collective actions of governments of several states. This model propsed by German political scientist W. Beck, is based on the idea of transnational state, namely community of states. The process of globalization provides arguments for supporters of the traditional theory of political realism, who claim, that in future development scenarios the main parts, as previously, belong to strong states and their nation interests, strength of which will be only increasing due to economic integration. The debates are kept only about whom in XXI century the leadership belongs to - traditional Western centers of power or East which grows stronger.
Enligt den svenska förvaltningstraditionen, vilken bygger på den Weberianska byråkratimodellen, ska politiker fatta beslut och tjänstemännen verkställa dem. Men, relationen mellan politiker och tjänstemän i den kommunala vardagen förefaller inte vara så enkel. Förtroendevalda politiker upplever ett problem med att tjänstemännen har för stor makt, vilket leder till ett inflytande på den politiska processen som inte står i proportion till deras formella position. Problemet bottnar i att den Weberianska byråkratimodellen inte längre fungerar som ett vägledande ideal i praktiken. Den kommunala vardagen karakteriseras istället av en otydlighet i hur makten i praktiken konstitueras och distri-bueras i relationen mellan politiker och tjänstemän, med resultat att icke-förtroendevalda chefstjänstemän kan hamna i en maktsituation där de kommer i besittning av, förutom sin legitima chefsmakt, en reell politisk makt. Som en följd av detta kan våra svenska kommuner komma att ledas av en profession som tränger undan och kanske i praktiken övertar politisk ledning – en profession som enligt den Weberianska byråkratimodellen formellt ska vara politiskt maktlösa. Mot bakgrund av detta syftar studien till att bidra till kunskapen om de kommunala chefstjänstemännens politiska agerande och de maktförhållanden som konstituerar detta agerande. Med makt avses i avhandlingen en kapacitet att handla som ägs av agenter och som kan identifieras i kraft av chefspositionens varaktiga relationer med underliggande sociala strukturer mellan politik och förvaltning, mellan politiker och tjänstemän. Makt betraktas följaktligen som en förklaringsfaktor för att förstå chefstjänstemännens politiska agerande. Avhandlingen baseras på en fallstudie av kommunchefer, dvs. kommunens ledande tjänsteman som befinner sig i den omedelbara närheten av den kommunövergripande politiska ledningen, och som därigenom verkar i gränslandet mellan politik och administration. För att bidra till denna kunskap utvecklas i avhandlingen en analysmodell med utgångspunkt i den kritiska realismens synsätt på sociala strukturer och kausalitet. Modellen baseras på tre olika typer av analyser, en strukturell analys, en kausal analys och en förståelseanalys. Med hjälp av den strukturella analysen identifieras tre stycken strukturella maktresurser som kan ses som förbundna med den kommunala chefstjänstemannapositionen. Dessa benämns centralitet, kontroll över kritiska resurser, och närhet till makt. Med hjälp av den kausala analysen studeras vad och hur dessa maktresurser tillåter innehavaren av chefstjänstemannapositionen att påverka för att uppnå effekter. Analysen visar att de strukturella maktresurserna möjliggör för chefstjänstemannen att påverka hela den politiska beslutsprocessen genom att med rätt timing i ärendehanteringen, och de beslutsunderlag som ligger bakom detta, presentera olika problembilder och konsekvensbeskrivningar. Med hjälp av förståelseanalysen studeras chefstjänste-männens politiska agerande. Med utgångspunkt i en kritisk realistisk ansats kan de kommunala chefstjänstemännens politiska agerande förstås i termer av en proaktiv politisk roll som är inneboende i chefspositionens generiska karaktär. Den proaktiva rollen är intimt sammanlänkad med strukturella maktresurser genom det att den för sin existens kräver strukturella maktresurser som är förbundna med den kommunala chefstjänstemannapositionen. ; Politicians are meant to make decisions and administrators are supposed to execute them according to the Swedish public administration tradition; a tradition built on the Weberian bureaucracy model. But, power relations between politicians and administrators in municipal practice do not appear as unambiguous as the tradition purports. Administrators have too much power according to elected officials, which in turn have an impact on the political process that is not consistent with the administrators' formal position. This causes tension in the relations between politicians and administrators. The problem seems to stem from the fact that the Weberian bureaucracy model no longer serves as a guiding ideal in practice. Instead the local government practice is characterized by how vaguely the power is constituted and distributed in the social relation between politicians and administrators, resulting in the fact that non-elected public managers find themselves in a power position encompassing not only their legitimate managerial power, but also real political power – which is not consistent with the ideal bureaucracy model according to which this type of power is reserved only for elected officials. As a result the Swedish municipalities may be run by a profession that in practice take over the political leadership; a profession that in keeping with the Weberian ideal model is supposed to be powerless. This dissertation aims to contribute to field of knowledge concerning the municipal administrators' political actions and the power relations constituting this behaviour. For the purpose of this dissertation the term power intends a capacity to act inherent in agents and that can be identified by virtue of the managerial position's lasting relations with underlying social structures between politics and administration, between politicians and public administrators. Power is thus looked upon as an element of explanation in understanding public managers political behaviour. The dissertation is based on a case study of municipal managers, i e the leading public administrator in a municipality who is in the immediate proximity to the overall political leadership and thereby serves in the borderland between politics and administration. A model of analysis is developed with its basis in the critical realism's approach on social structures and causality- The model is based on three different types of analyses, a structural analysis, a causal analysis, and an analysis of understanding. The structural analysis helps identify three structural power resources that are associated with the municipal management position; centrality, control over critical resources, and nearness to power. By means of the causal analysis one studies what and how these power resources permit the holder of the managerial position to influence in order to achieve certain effects. The analysis shows that the structural power resources make it possible for the public managers to influence the political decision making process through right timing in delivering official documents, along with the decision support data, presenting different problem areas and consequences of these. With the support of the analysis of understanding the municipal manager's political behaviour is studied. With reference to a critical realist approach the answer is that the public managers' political behaviour can be understood in terms of a proactive political role inherent in the managerial positions generic character. The role is strictly interconnected with the structural power resources due to the fact that the role requires, for its existence, structural power resources as are associated with the municipal managerial position.
This article analyses realist school in the Russian international relations scholarship & discusses the debates among Russian realists. It focuses on the characteristics of the newly emerging world order & the development of an adequate strategy for Russia to pursue in its international behavior. The authors argue that over the 1990s, realism has made considerable intellectual progress & has gained the status of a leading intellectual movement in Russia. It assisted Russian intellectual & political community in defining the country's interests & priorities in the emerging international relations, & it provided a necessary analysis of the world order's structure & polarity. 67 References. [Copyright 2004 The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]
Analysis of literature on the artistic heritage of A.F. Pisemsky shows that some of the most important features of his world view and writing style were outlined by contemporary criticism. The first such attempts were made in the articles of A.V. Druzhinin about the novel "A Thousand Souls" and E.N. Edelson about the novel "Disturbed Sea". A.V. Druzhinin had seen the origins of A.F. Pisemsky in the conditions of Russian provincial life; E.N. Edelson assessed the writer's work in fact as a manifestation of the Russian cultural principle, free from the destructive national features of European influences. Already at this time critics determined the main essential features of the artistic manner of the writer. Numerous literary criticisms are the basis of historical and literary studies devoted to the work of A.F. Pisemsky. Evaluation of the creative work of A.F. Pisemsky are contradictory. But the understanding of its artistic originality was established fairly quickly and almost did not change in course of the years, and it was supplemented and developed by critics and literary scholars of the most diverse political views and aesthetic preferences. The writer-realist A.F. Pisemsky recreated the physiology of Russian society, Russian way of life, Russian everyday life. This thesis is characteristic of both literary criticism, which belongs to critics of different aesthetic views and political sympathies, and historians of literature at the turn of the 19 th and 20 th centuries. In fact, in these assessments of the creative work of A.F. Pisemsky the matter of question refers to the naturalistic desire to accurately, adequately and in detail reproduce reality. Naturalism showed a keen interest in simple, everyday phenomena of life, namely this feature of the writer's work was marked by literary criticism. It was unanimously noted that A.F. Pisemsky sought to detail the everyday existence of man in keeping with the realistic aesthetic course. Sometimes in the criticism it was also about the "extreme realism" of the ...
The dominance of neoliberal policies in Anglo-American countries during the past two decades has not only had a profound impact on the character and programs of major parties, but has also led to dramatic changes within the ranks of former Marxists and critical theorists. These former radicals now either believe that the old categories of Left and Right are irrelevant, or argue that the political concepts used by these historical movements have been largely rendered obsolete by contemporary conditions. The present article specifically focuses upon the quite different, contextually driven responses to neoliberal regimes by two post-Marxist schools of thought that are expressed in the American journal Telos and British journals, especially Economy and Society. These new exponents of an anti-Marxist Realpolitik not only oppose the universal values of the radical Left, but draw upon a mixture of traditions and theories that continue to be associated with anti-class and anti-Marxist elite theory. These anti-socialist analyses should not be ignored for they raise a number of pertinent questions to do with the possibility and the form of a viable alternative politics given the impact of neoliberalism, globalization and postmodern cultural processes on contemporary societies. 47 References. T. K. Brown
The shift from electromechanical computing to fully electronic, digital, Turing-complete computing was one of the most in?uential technological developments of the twentieth century. The social, economic, political, interdisciplinary, and cultural aspects behind that shift were signi?cant, but are often ignored. When the contingencies and controversies behind the birth of modern computing are forgotten, the history of computing is often misrepresented as one of uncomplicated linear progress. In this article some of the sociocultural aspects of the birth of modern computing are reviewed. The signi?cance of interdisciplinary work is discussed. The concept of the stored-program paradigm is introduced, and some sociocultural factors behind its birth are discussed. Finally, it is argued that some traits of research that are often considered to be negative, such as opportunism, eclecticism, and stubbornness, have played a positive role in the birth of modern computing technology.
В статье автор рассматривает ключевые моменты в дискуссиях представителей разных направлений современной аналитической этики. Автор уделяет важное внимание дискуссиям между реалистами и сторонниками лингвистического релятивизма. Основной целью статьи является исследование проблемы обоснования теории морального реализма. Автор показывает значение интернализма и натурализма для становления теории морального реализма. Важное внимание уделяется проблеме связи теории морального реализма и утилитаризма. ; Author focuses on debates in contemporary analytic philosophy and analytic ethics. Author shows core points in conflict between realism and linguistic relativism in the history of analytic philosophy. In this context developed main tradition of analytic ethics. Author concentrated on methodological contradiction between them. Main objective of this research is to give proof to the theory of moral realism in analytic ethics. Moral realism was influenced by internalism and naturalism. Moral realism is also close connected with rule utilitarianism. Author shows great significance of methodological debates in analytic philosophy for modern political philosophy.
Criticizes Jeffrey C. Isaac's (2002) call for the Left to abandon its moral stance & embrace a realist perspective in light of the events of September 11 (2001) or face political irrelevance. At issue is the substance of pacifist arguments post-September 11. Pacifists are defended against Isaac's caricature of them, insisting that pacifism is not absolute &, in fact, contains elements of direct action & violence. Pacifism is distorted & marginalized by virtue of the broad idealization of so-called "realist politics," evidenced by the pervasive ontological absolutism of Isaac's essay; his rhetorical devices are chastised. This idealization of realism is seen as part of the dominant ideology of violence working to justify its excesses & inflate its achievements. The results of the Afghanistan war are used as an example. Agreeing with Isaac that a proper means-end balance is a difficult challenge for political thinkers, it is contended that the pacifist camp has played a positive role in countering realist support for utter reliance on military means to combat terrorism. In Jeffrey C. Isaac Responds, Isaac argues that Steger missed his point; the former's critique was aimed at a specific strand of pacifism for which any use of military force is anathema. Further, the antiwar statements that Isaac criticized lack any strategic subtlety with respect to current circumstances. Steger's evocation of Gandhi & King as examples of pacifists who deploy politically responsible nonviolent strategies seems out of touch with the reality of al-Qaeda's terrorism. Isaac defends his recent work against Steger's charge of idealizing violence or war. Dismissing Steger's charges, Isaac does suggest that he raises some important issues centered on the making of political judgments, the rhetoric of political criticism, & tragedy in politics. J. Zendejas
