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First, the article displays a brief historical introduction presenting the context in which the understanding of the medieval idea of the Empire's restauration is made possible. Secondly, it follows the developments of the Convivio and the Monarchia where Dante tends to demonstrate Rome's right to Empire. Thirdly, an attempt is made to demonstrate the exclusively theological character of Book II of the Monarchia, which, according to the method employed there by Dante, responds formally to the method ofthe loci theologici. In the fourth place, it tries to show that Dante gives a rational character to the theological argumentation of Book II: a rationality that is, finally, originated in divine providence. According to the double character (theological-philosophical) of Dante's methodology, the fifth part is devoted to make evident the structure of the Theology of History outlined by Dante, assuming a sacred (theological)- profane (rational) character. Finally, a brief reference is made regarding the sources of Dante's providentialism. ; En primer lugar, el artículo despliega una sucinta introducción histórica para presentar el contexto que hace posible entender la idea medieval de la restauración del Imperio. En segundo lugar, sigue los desarrollos del Convivio y de la Monarchiadonde Dante tiende a demostrar el derecho de Roma al Imperio. En tercer lugar, se intenta demostrar el carácter exclusivamente teológico del Libro II de la Monarchia, el que, de acuerdo al m´étodo utilizado por Dante, responde formalmente al méotdo de los loci theologici. En cuarto lugar, se trata de mostrar que Dante le otorga un carácter racional a esta argumentación teológica del Libro II: una racionalidad que es, finalmente, originada en la Divina Providencia. De acuerdo a este doble carácter (teológico-filosófico) de la metodología dantesca, en quinto lugar se busca hacer evidente la estructura de la Teología de la Historia diseñada por Dante, que asume un carácter sagrado (teológico)-profano (racional). Finalmente, se realiza una pequeña referencia a las fuentes del providencialismo de Dante.

En primer lugar, el artículo despliega una sucinta introducción histórica para presentar el contexto que hace posible entender la idea medieval de la restauración del Imperio. En segundo lugar, sigue los desarrollos del Convivio y de la Monarchiadonde Dante tiende a demostrar el derecho de Roma al Imperio. En tercer lugar, se intenta demostrar el carácter exclusivamente teológico del Libro II de la Monarchia, el que, de acuerdo al m´étodo utilizado por Dante, responde formalmente al méotdo de los loci theologici. En cuarto lugar, se trata de mostrar que Dante le otorga un carácter racional a esta argumentación teológica del Libro II: una racionalidad que es, finalmente, originada en la Divina Providencia. De acuerdo a este doble carácter (teológico-filosófico) de la metodología dantesca, en quinto lugar se busca hacer evidente la estructura de la Teología de la Historia diseñada por Dante, que asume un carácter sagrado (teológico)-profano (racional). Finalmente, se realiza una pequeña referencia a las fuentes del providencialismo de Dante. ; First, the article displays a brief historical introduction presenting the context in which the understanding of the medieval idea of the Empire's restauration is made possible. Secondly, it follows the developments of the Convivio and the Monarchia where Dante tends to demonstrate Rome's right to Empire. Thirdly, an attempt is made to demonstrate the exclusively theological character of Book II of the Monarchia, which, according to the method employed there by Dante, responds formally to the method ofthe loci theologici. In the fourth place, it tries to show that Dante gives a rational character to the theological argumentation of Book II: a rationality that is, finally, originated in divine providence. According to the double character (theological-philosophical) of Dante's methodology, the fifth part is devoted to make evident the structure of the Theology of History outlined by Dante, assuming a sacred (theological)- profane (rational) character. Finally, a brief reference is made regarding the sources of Dante's providentialism.

Kritische Erörterung der Ursachen der anhaltenden Krise der peruanischen Parteienallianz IU angesichts ihrer inneren Zersplitterung und der ideologischen Kontroversen ihrer Mitgliedsorganisationen. Übersicht über die Entwicklung ihrer Beziehungen zur Arbeiterbewegung und zu anderen progressiven Gruppen und Hinweis auf ihre Rolle in den Arbeitskämpfen der letzten Monate. Aufruf zur Erweiterung der Basis und zur Ausrichtung der politischen Praxis auf einen echten Einigungsprozeß der demokratischen Linken

SUMMARIUM Cautío iuris libertatis conscientiae multum interest in iuridica ordinatione nationalis et internationalis vitae. PIures sunt eius implicationes constitutionali, civili, administrativo, vindicativo atque internationali iuri. Tutissimum fuit quam primum hoc ius iurisdictione internationali (interventus humanitatis, cognitio condltionata, foedera paucarum gentium, praecepta, etcetera . . ). Hac tutela perpensa, in articulo adstante scripta quae tantum referantur ad novissima tempora studuntur: Declarationis Universalis iurium hominum 1948; Pacti iurium civilium atque politicorum O.N.U. 1966 (art. 18); Proyecti Conventionis Internationalís, aprobationem Generalis Contionis exspectantis (Huius Proyecti elaboratio nunc hic exponitur). Considerantur statim argumenta quibus ius libertatis conscientiae delineatur in Proyecto, et eius nexus cum scriptis supra dictis et conventione Europaea Iurium hominum atque Libertatum fundamentalium 1950. Auctor speciali modo animum attendit, et sic iudicat, ad modum quo in Proyecto aliquae agantur quaestiones graves (relationes mutuae Ecclesiae-rei publicae, limites iuris «in societate democratica», docentia, etc.). Denique consideratur ratio vigilantiae rei publicae munerum, quae constituuntur a Conventione, et tuitionls iuris tuti: testimonia, conciliatio officiaque bona, et fortasse subiectio sententiae Tribunalis Internationalis Iustitiae. Haec opes existimantur in praesenti statu incrementí Communitatis Internationalis atque iuris gentium. --- ABSTRACT The guarantee of freedom of conscience ls of great importance in the juridical regulation of life in intra-State and International Society. Its implications are numerous in the fields of constitutional, civil, administrative, penal and international law. Of aH human rights, this was one of the earliest to become the object of international juridical protection (appeal to humaneness, conditional recognition, minority-treaties, mandates, etc.). Considering this protection, with reference to recent times only, this present work studies the corresponding texts of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948, of the United Nations Agreement for Civil and Political Rights 1966 (art. 18) and of the Project of International Agreement, which is pending approval by the General Assembly, and describes the stages of the latters elaboration. The contents of the Project which outline the right of freedom of Conscience are considered successively and its relationship with the above-mentioned texts and the European Convention of Human Rights and Fundamental Liberties 1950. The author pays special attention to and gives his opinion on the manner in which the Project deals with certain important problems, such as Church-State relations, the limitation of rights «in a democratic society», education, etc. FinaHy a study is made of the mechanism of control of the obiigations of States which is established by the Agreement, and of the protection of garanteed rights reports, conciliation and good offices, and possible submission to the decision of the International Court of Justice, and a judgement is expressed on those means from the point of the actual state of developement of the International Community and from the point of view of the Rights of Peoples.

After a brief historical presentation of the Imperial Ideal of Rome as conceived in the Middle Ages, and a brief reminder of the entry of the "Donatio Constantini" into Medieval Political Thought, this paper intends –in this first part of its work– to highlight the role that the "Donatio" played in Dante Alighieri's Political System. [This work has three parts. See Vols. 4/5 (1983-1984) and Vol. 6 (1985)] ; Después de una breve presentación histórica del ideal imperial de Roma tal como se concibió en la Edad Media, y un breve recordatorio del ingreso de la "Donatio Constantini" en el pensamiento político medieval, el artículo busca –en esta primera parte de su trabajo– subrayar el papel que la "Donatio" desempeñó en el sistema político de Dante Alighieri. [Este trabajo consta de tres partes. Su continuación se encuentra en los Vols. 4/5 (1983-1984) y en el Vol. 6 (1985)]

After a brief historical presentation of the Imperial Ideal of Rome as conceived in the Middle Ages, and a brief reminder of the entry of the "Donatio Constantini" into Medieval Political Thought, this paper intends –in this first part of its work– to highlight the role that the "Donatio" played in Dante Alighieri's Political System. [This work has three parts. See Vols. 4/5 (1983-1984) and Vol. 6 (1985)] ; Después de una breve presentación histórica del ideal imperial de Roma tal como se concibió en la Edad Media, y un breve recordatorio del ingreso de la "Donatio Constantini" en el pensamiento político medieval, el artículo busca –en esta primera parte de su trabajo– subrayar el papel que la "Donatio" desempeñó en el sistema político de Dante Alighieri. [Este trabajo consta de tres partes. Su continuación se encuentra en los Vols. 4/5 (1983-1984) y en el Vol. 6 (1985)]

En esta segunda parte del trabajo, dedicada a Marsilio de Padua, se analizan los siguientes puntos: la primera parte, centrada únicamente en el texto del Defensor Pacis, trata de determinar el valor que para Marsilio supuso la dominación política del Imperium Romanum en el mundo. La segunda parte –siempre en el Defensor Pacis– trata de establecer si esta dominación reinó entonces en la península o si hubo alguna otra causa en el origen del poder romano. La tercera parte, extendiendo el análisis al Defensor menor, busca aclarar el origen de la legitimidad que Marsilio atribuye al Imperium Romanum mostrando que el nombre de Roma y su figura política imperial –cuyo lugar apenas se esbozó dentro del sistema político de Marsilius en el DP– encuentran en el DM el lugar y la dimensión que les son propios. En cuarto lugar, por último, toma en consideración el valor que para Marsilio tiene el ideal de Roma (es decir, el Romgedanke) en los tres tratados, y lo confronta con el papel que, frente a este mismo ideal, juega la Donatio Constantini en su pensamiento. Aquí surgen las diferencias entre Dante y Marsilio. Emergen no sólo a través de sus respectivas doctrinas políticas, sino también en sus concepciones de la Historia. El romanticismo de Marsilio está totalmente desprovisto de un carácter providencial y se transforma en un romanticismo secular, mientras que la donación aparecerá como una prueba más de que las reivindicaciones hegemónicas del Papado tienen su fundamento exclusivo en un acto histórico que siempre depende de la facticidad de la voluntad humana. Romgedanke y Donación Constantini, dos figuras aparentemente contradictorias y antitéticas, se encuentran así en Marsilio sin choque ni fractura (como fue el caso en el florentino). Marsilio logra reconciliar las dos figuras mediante una inteligente interpretación del acto constantiniano. [Este trabajo es la segunda entrega de las tres partes del artículo. Para ver la primera: vol. 3 (1982), para ver la última: vol. 6 (1985)] ; In this second part of the work, dedicated to Marsilius of Padua, the following points are analysed: the first part, solely focusing on the text of the Defensor Pacis, tries to determine the value that for Marsilius assumed the political domination of the Imperium Romanum over the world. The second part –always in the Defensor Pacis– tries to establish if this domination then reigned in the peninsula or if there was some other cause at the origin of the Roman power. The third part, extending the analysis to the Defensor menor, seeks to clarify the origin of the legitimacy that Marsilius attributes to the imperium romanum by showing that the name of Rome and its imperial political figure –whose place was barely sketched out within the Marsilius' political system in the DP– find in the DM the place and the dimension that are proper to them. Fourthly, finally, it takes into consideration the value that for Marsilius assumes the ideal of Rome (i.e. the Romgedanke) in the three treaties, and confronts it with the role that, in the face of this same ideal, the Donatio Constantini plays in his thought. Here the differences between Dante and Marsile emerge. They emerge not only through their respective political doctrines, but also in their conceptions of History. The romanticism of Marsilius is utterly devoid of a providential character and is transformed into a secular romanticism, while the donation will appear as further proof that the hegemonic claims of the Papacy have their exclusive foundation in a historical act which always depends on the facticity of the human will. Romgedanke and Donation Constantini, two apparently contradictory and antithetical figures, are thus found in Marsilius without a clash or fracture (as was the case in the Florentine). Marsilius succeeds in reconciling the two figures by means of an intelligent interpretation of the Constantinian act. [This paper is the second of the three parts of the whole article. To see the first one: vol. 3 (1982). To see the last one: vol. 6 (1985)]

In this second part of the work, dedicated to Marsilius of Padua, the following points are analysed: the first part, solely focusing on the text of the Defensor Pacis, tries to determine the value that for Marsilius assumed the political domination of the Imperium Romanum over the world. The second part –always in the Defensor Pacis– tries to establish if this domination then reigned in the peninsula or if there was some other cause at the origin of the Roman power. The third part, extending the analysis to the Defensor menor, seeks to clarify the origin of the legitimacy that Marsilius attributes to the imperium romanum by showing that the name of Rome and its imperial political figure –whose place was barely sketched out within the Marsilius' political system in the DP– find in the DM the place and the dimension that are proper to them. Fourthly, finally, it takes into consideration the value that for Marsilius assumes the ideal of Rome (i.e. the Romgedanke) in the three treaties, and confronts it with the role that, in the face of this same ideal, the Donatio Constantini plays in his thought. Here the differences between Dante and Marsile emerge. They emerge not only through their respective political doctrines, but also in their conceptions of History. The romanticism of Marsilius is utterly devoid of a providential character and is transformed into a secular romanticism, while the donation will appear as further proof that the hegemonic claims of the Papacy have their exclusive foundation in a historical act which always depends on the facticity of the human will. Romgedanke and Donation Constantini, two apparently contradictory and antithetical figures, are thus found in Marsilius without a clash or fracture (as was the case in the Florentine). Marsilius succeeds in reconciling the two figures by means of an intelligent interpretation of the Constantinian act. [This paper is the second of the three parts of the whole article. To see the first one: vol. 3 (1982). To see the last one: vol. 6 (1985)] ; En esta segunda parte del trabajo, dedicada a Marsilio de Padua, se analizan los siguientes puntos: la primera parte, centrada únicamente en el texto del Defensor Pacis, trata de determinar el valor que para Marsilio supuso la dominación política del Imperium Romanum en el mundo. La segunda parte –siempre en el Defensor Pacis– trata de establecer si esta dominación reinó entonces en la península o si hubo alguna otra causa en el origen del poder romano. La tercera parte, extendiendo el análisis al Defensor menor, busca aclarar el origen de la legitimidad que Marsilio atribuye al Imperium Romanum mostrando que el nombre de Roma y su figura política imperial –cuyo lugar apenas se esbozó dentro del sistema político de Marsilius en el DP– encuentran en el DM el lugar y la dimensión que les son propios. En cuarto lugar, por último, toma en consideración el valor que para Marsilio tiene el ideal de Roma (es decir, el Romgedanke) en los tres tratados, y lo confronta con el papel que, frente a este mismo ideal, juega la Donatio Constantini en su pensamiento. Aquí surgen las diferencias entre Dante y Marsilio. Emergen no sólo a través de sus respectivas doctrinas políticas, sino también en sus concepciones de la Historia. El romanticismo de Marsilio está totalmente desprovisto de un carácter providencial y se transforma en un romanticismo secular, mientras que la donación aparecerá como una prueba más de que las reivindicaciones hegemónicas del Papado tienen su fundamento exclusivo en un acto histórico que siempre depende de la facticidad de la voluntad humana. Romgedanke y Donación Constantini, dos figuras aparentemente contradictorias y antitéticas, se encuentran así en Marsilio sin choque ni fractura (como fue el caso en el florentino). Marsilio logra reconciliar las dos figuras mediante una inteligente interpretación del acto constantiniano. [Este trabajo es la segunda entrega de las tres partes del artículo. Para ver la primera: vol. 3 (1982), para ver la última: vol. 6 (1985)]

The juridical and political shaping up of the right to be informed is a recent fact. The author of this paper considers that this formal establishment has been related in a confused and complex manner with the much heralded freedom of the press -as seen in its beginnings as the mere non-existence of censorship. The author also underlines the generally forgotten fact that the first formal statements regarding freedom of the press as the right to free individual express ion does not dwell upon the information given in itself but rather deals with stated opinions and, frequently, with ideas and sentiments put forth by the informer. It does not therefore entail the diffusion of the ideas and sentiments of other people, and so it is often required that such expressions be publicly authenticated by the beneficiary or user. The right to be informed has been denied more often than it has been safeguarded along the stages of the constitutional establishment of liberty. Notable exceptions have been the road followed by American jurisprudence, and, more recently, by the Federal and State Constitutions of the German Federal Republic, which have formalized this right. Closer to home, we come across the Fraga Law as a furthering attempt or consequence of one of the rights proclaimed by the Fuero. Supported by this fact, the legislator of 1966 by applying the preceding prinCipie further extends it and transfers its sphere of reference: we therefore pass to the new right to be informed under the protection of the right to freedom of expression.

A historical survey of the position & activities of the Latino minority in the US attempting to answer two questions: (1) how & to what extent international relations affect a minority group; & (2) how minority groups transcend transnational political systems. The political activism of the US Latino minority can be subdivided into the following categories: (A) seeking Mexico's assistance in the defense of the rights of the Latino minority in the US; (B) participating in the political & ideological conflicts of Mexico; (3) combining to influence Mexican & US policies that affect them; & (4) defending Mexico's sovereignity. Two historical periods are singled out for special consideration of the role played by Mexican Americans: the Mexican revolution under Juarez, & student unrest in both countries in the late 1970s. It is concluded that concerted political action by the Chicano community can benefit both itself & Mexico, as US foreign policy is subject to influence by the ethnic factor. S. Karganovic.