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The interactions between legal and political system has been strengthened in recent years, especially through judicial review, with the transference to Courts of themes that define and divide a political system. In brazilian case, in the absence of legislative deliberation some of these discussions are forwarded Brazilian courts, who gave controversial decisions about "mega politics". So, the research´s question "" is the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court (re) building electoral legislation, as a manifestation of judicial activism, interfering in mega politics?The study starts from a theoretical approach, with the deductive method, combined with a qualitative case analysis about courts´s decisions regarding party loyalty, coalition verticalizations, threshold clauses and the rights of legislative minorities, and political donations. Therefore, the research is supported by a bibliographical and documentary survey. Based on the methodological approach of Judicial Politcs, the legal protection of fundamental political rights and the structure of the Brazilian strong judicial system are described (Normative Theory), and evaluated the motivations of legal decisions, taking into account judicialization as exercise of a political activity (Positive Theory).

In the case of Ferreira v Levin NO, Justice Laurie Ackermann seemed to make the assumption that the political right to freedom is best explained, and its content therefore best determined, by the fact that all human beings have dignity. That is, he seemed to assume that dignity and the fact that human beings necessarily possess it provide the key to an understanding of the political right to freedom. This is, I think, an assumption made by many. The aim of this essay is to question its validity.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Part I Theories and Concepts -- Chapter 1 Global Patterns and Debates in the Granting of Women's Suffrage -- Suffrage Adoption Trajectory -- Four Waves of Suffragism and Debates -- Suffragism in the Society of Civilized States -- Suffragism and Socialist Transnationalism -- Pan-American Suffragism -- Suffragism, Liberation Struggles, and Afro-Asian Solidarity -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 2 Gender and Electoral Behavior -- Gender and Electoral Participation -- Gender, Partisanship, and Vote Choice -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 3 The Political Representation of Women over Time -- Why It Is Important to Elect Women -- Women's Formal Representation -- Women's Descriptive Representation -- Women's Substantive Representation -- Women's Symbolic Representation -- The Quality of Representation Itself -- Global Patterns in the Election of Women to Parliaments -- No Change -- Incremental Gains -- Fast-Track Growth -- Plateaus -- Women in Parliament Today -- By Economic Development -- By Geographic Region -- By Level of Democracy -- With and Without Gender Quotas -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4 The Impact of Women in Parliament -- Policymaking -- Conceptualizing Women's Interests -- Context and Constraints -- The Policymaking Process -- Gender Quotas -- Public Attitudes -- The Political System -- Women as Leaders -- Female Citizens and Political Behavior -- Legislatures as Workplaces -- The Division of Labor -- Symbols, Images, and Ideologies -- Gendered Interactions -- Gendered Identity -- Organizational Logic -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Chapter 5 New Horizons in Women's Political Rights -- Creating a New Global Concept -- Definitions and Manifestations -- Emerging Solutions -- Conclusions -- References.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Information -- Contents -- Introduction Civil and Political Activism -- Chapter 1 Representative Government -- Chapter 2 Fair and Equal Treatment for All -- Chapter 3 Workers' Rights -- Chapter 4 Speech and Information -- What Can You Do? -- Source Notes -- Glossary -- Selected Bibliography -- Further Information -- Index -- Photo Acknowledgments -- Back Cover

The pattern of government in Afro-Asian states has changed through the years from democracy to authoritarian systems. Writings that attempt to explain (while justifying) authoritarian regimes in the new states have prevailed in the literature about underdeveloped areas. Other writers, called revisionists, have questioned the more established position of the apologists. The revisionists' position, which has had inadequate coverage up to this time, is defended. Three lines of apology are taken in turn, & arguments raised to show that apologism is a questionable rationale. About these three lines of apologism, it is argued that: (1) opposition parties do not necessarily endanger national unity in heterogeneous societies, (2) achievement of adequate representation of a democratic type in a one-party system is dubious, & (3) peasants in these societies may well be suitable for participation in government, contrary to claims of the elites. Democracy in underdeveloped states may well be possible; at least rationales used to deny democracy are unconvincing. AA.