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The emergence & evolution of a multiparty system in Russia following the breakup of the USSR are chronicled, highlighting the impact of contextual factors, eg, the heritage of the pre-Soviet & Soviet past, constitutional design, legal framework, informal rules of politics, leader personalities, locus of power, socioeconomic developments, & political attitudes & participation of the masses. It is argued that the Russian party system has been constructed so as to maintain political power in the hands of the president & the ruling regime; comparisons are drawn between the early days of perestroika under Mikhail Gorbachev, the "democracy of disorder" of Boris Yeltzin, & the "managing democracy" of Vladimir Putin. The performance of various parties across different election cycles is traced, the legislative power of the state Duma is analyzed, & polling data are reviewed to examine the population's political preferences. Though the party system has become indispensable in Russian politics, it has largely failed to link the constituency & the government or challenge the ruling powers. 5 Tables. K. Hyatt Stewart

A case study based on four field trips, 1994-1996, to a mine in South Kuzbass referred to as Taldym explores the shift among Russian mineworkers from militant opposition to the communist regime, 1989-1993, to support for communists & nationalists in the late 1990s. The transformation is examined in the context of changes in the workplace, especially conflicts over the redefinition of the nature of enterprise collectivism, maintaining that worker support of the communists represented the search for a paternalistic leader to restore the security enjoyed with state-provided social benefits associated with collectivism. Taldym is considered the core of working-class radicalism because of the unique kinds of solidarity engendered in the immediate work group. Problems related to the loss of attachment to the work collective are discussed, along with family-based survival strategies, movement toward a larger collective, & support of authoritarian managers able to deliver resources to members of "alienated" collectivities. 12 References. J. Lindroth

The origins of the modern world racial system & its present national & transnational profile are described, focusing on the US, South Africa, Brazil, & the European Union. Demography, mobilization for racial equality, reform of state racial policies, & globalization interact to transform the logic of this system. New racial tensions have arisen, & racial differences still restrict political influence, but transnational antiracist networks have also developed to challenge them. M. Pflum

The origins of the modern world racial system & its present national & transnational profile are described, focusing on the US, South Africa, Brazil, & the European Union. Demography, mobilization for racial equality, reform of state racial policies, & globalization interact to transform the logic of this system. New racial tensions have arisen, & racial differences still restrict political influence, but transnational antiracist networks have also developed to challenge them. M. Pflum

An exploration of territorial cleavages in Russia describes both successful accommodations & disastrous failures like Chechnia. The collapse of the Soviet Communist Party & the command economy which together maintained vertical control over the periphery was followed by unpredictable, conflicted, & confused relations between the central government & its territories. Although institutions responsible for managing territorial politics have proven to be weak, the Russian center has remained strong & has overcome various challenges to its authority. The struggle between the central government & the provinces during the period leading up to adoption of the Russian constitution is examined, along with failed attempts by Moscow to maintain control over the provinces via presidential representatives; the federative agreements of 1992; & varied treaties/agreements intended to clear up constitutional ambiguities. It is concluded that federalism has both contributed to the system's instability & provided the flexibility needed to accommodate Russia's widely diverse cleavages. Suggestions are made for institutional reforms that might improve the management of ethnic conflicts in post-Soviet Russia. 1 Table, 30 References. J. Lindroth

Mexican voters' rejection of the long-standing Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in 2000 was not sudden, but the result of substantial transformations & democratization on the political scene since the 1970s, chronicled here. Federal features played a major role in the transition that in turn reshaped the structure of Mexican federalism. Electoral reforms starting in 1977 led the way for freer & fairer elections. Federalism allowed for more electoral competition throughout the subnational areas, resulting in an increased plurality of parties gaining power & changing the relationship between center & periphery. The decentralization gave local & regional actors opportunities for mobilization & reform, & even opportunities for federal positions. The impact of Mexico's federalism on its democratic consolidation is assessed by reviewing the degree of overrepresentation in the upper chamber of Congress & the extent of party orientation & incentive systems. Mexico now has a fully functional federal system. 6 Tables, 16 References. M. Pflum

The author notes that Jurgen Habermas has offered few specifics about how society can make the transition from an unjust to a just social order. In fact, Habermas's theory implies a transcendent moral barrier that prevents citizens from exercising their power to change the basic structure of their society, despite his belief in the ethic of intersubjective rational action. Ultimately, citizens must be content either symbolically to storm the administrative fortress or to generate messages from the sidelines that will eventually be received, interpreted, & legitimated by the administrative center. In either case, the citizens' capacity for genuine collective action is very limited. 36 References. A. Funderburg

The author notes that Jurgen Habermas has offered few specifics about how society can make the transition from an unjust to a just social order. In fact, Habermas's theory implies a transcendent moral barrier that prevents citizens from exercising their power to change the basic structure of their society, despite his belief in the ethic of intersubjective rational action. Ultimately, citizens must be content either symbolically to storm the administrative fortress or to generate messages from the sidelines that will eventually be received, interpreted, & legitimated by the administrative center. In either case, the citizens' capacity for genuine collective action is very limited. 36 References. A. Funderburg

According to the notion of countervailing powers, relations in the professions & between professions, the market, & the state are best understood as a series of interactions involving economic, state, professional, & individual actors in a common, interdependent field. This field is constituted by economic, political, & professional aspects that various actors deploy in a struggle for autonomy & dominance. The achievement of dominance by one actor naturally leads to distortions in the balance between actors resisted by other actors. This model is illustrated in a brief discussion of the transformation of the British medical welfare system in the 1970s & 1980s. It is suggested that this model provides a powerful framework for analyzing the dynamic transformation of the health professions since the 1980s. 2 Tables, 5 Figures, 47 References. D. M. Smith