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Zelene linky Praha-Brusel. Vyvoj vztahu ceskych a evropskych zelenych
In: Politologický časopis, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 334-348
ISSN: 1211-3247
The first part of the text describes the development of contacts between various pacifist and green initiatives in Western Europe on one side, and part of Czech dissent on the other. It explains the factors that led -- despite early euphoria and the affinity of some West-European and Czech ecological politicians -- to the gradual cooling of relations between European and Czech Greens. The next part is dedicated to the role of some West-European Greens in the "dark-green" revolution in the Czech Green Party from 200203, their eventual disappointment, as well as the influence of intra-party conflict in the Czech Green Party concerning the structure of the European Greens. The subsequent section is a description and explanation of the direct interference by some European green politicians in conflict within the Czech Green Party, involving Milan Horacek, Petr Uhl and Ivan Dejmal on one side and Jakub Patocka and Jan Beranek on the other. The text also deals with the activities of Milan Horacek -- the first Czech deputy from the (German) Greens, as well as relations between the youth sections of the European and Czech Greens. The article concludes with a prediction of future relations between Bursik's Czech Green Party and Patocka's Czech Green Party on one side, and European Greens on the other. Adapted from the source document.
Otcovský bonus v České republice, jeho vývoj a zdroje
In: Politická ekonomie: teorie, modelování, aplikace, Band 69, Heft 5, S. 529-554
ISSN: 2336-8225
The study provides estimates of the size of the fatherhood premium for the Czech Republic in the years 2006-2017, using data from the EU SILC survey. In the years 2006-2009, the fatherhood premium in the Czech Republic does not manifest itself if explanatory variables include the marriage premium and the partner's labour market participation. The fatherhood premium only starts to express itself in 2010 and the following years, when it reaches values from 11% to 15% as a consequence of a decision of families with high-income fathers to have a third child in the years after 2010.
"Pít či nepít - to jest, oč tu běží." Střety příznivců a odpůrců abstinence v meziválečném Československu
In: Historická sociologie: časopis pro historické sociální vědy = Historical sociology : a journal of historical social sciences, Heft 1, S. 47-69
ISSN: 2336-3525
After the First World War an anti-alcohol movement requiring the prohibition intensified both in Europe and the USA and it also resonated strongly in the Czechoslovakia. The main representative of this movement was the Czechoslovak Teetotal Union. It struggled for eradication of alcoholism as a serious social and health problem. The activities of the movement were in conflict with the interests of groups of alcoholic drinks producers and distributors, which represented a strong lobby connected to political circles, especially the most powerful political party, the Agrarian Party. Financially strong alcohol lobby with one exception (Holitscher Act of 1922 restricting access to alcohol for the youth) quite successfully neutralized the attempts of the anti-alcohol movement to gain a bigger state support in the fight against alcoholism. Only after the methyl-alcohol scandal in 1935 the government did establish a permanent advisory board for the fight against alcoholism in the Ministry of Public Health and Physical Education. It elaborated a many recommendations (such as blood tests for drivers after car accidents), which, however, were not implemented until the end of the First Republic. An important benefit of the Czechoslovak Teetotal Union was the founding of alcohol treatment counselling.