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Examines dissent and communist political oppression in the Soviet Union, based on testimonies of survivors of the Stalin era.

This article analyses the relationship between political youth organisations, music and national identity in contemporary Russia. It focuses on four of the most representative political youth groups present in the city of St. Petersburg – the Young Guard, the National Bolsheviks, the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI), and Oborona [Defence] – and describes their conceptualisation of post-Soviet Russianness, as captured through an analysis of their lyrics. The main contribution of this empirical study is the detection of convergences and divergences with regard to the national identity issue characterising youth organisations that position themselves differently in the Russian political spectrum.

This article analyses the relationship between political youth organisations, music and national identity in contemporary Russia. It focuses on four of the most representative political youth groups present in the city of St. Petersburg – the Young Guard, the National Bolsheviks, the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI), and Oborona [Defence] – and describes their conceptualisation of post-Soviet Russianness, as captured through an analysis of their lyrics. The main contribution of this empirical study is the detection of convergences and divergences with regard to the national identity issue characterising youth organisations that position themselves diff erently in the Russian political spectrum.

Introduction -- Methodology -- Studying Youth and Social Movements -- Youth in the Gezi Protests: Background, the Gezi Spirit, and Aftermath -- Studying Youth in Social Context -- The Meanings of Being Young: Potential, Limitations, Mission, and Action -- Studying Youth and Politics -- What is the Political? The Components of the New Post-Gezi Politics -- Conclusions.

The study seeking to understand the participation of female youth in active politics in Zimbabwe was influenced by the desire in some of the female youth to participate actively only to face unending challenges socially, politically and economically. The study was conducted in the form of a survey using questionnaires administered to 200 participants purposively sampled in Chitungwiza's four residential Units with each contributing 50 female participants. Analysis of data was conducted using 'Framework', a qualitative analytic method which assisted to comprehend internal meanings of the participants' responses and presenting them qualitatively. The study established that while Zimbabwe has various instruments for the promotion of women involvement in politics, the political terrain is defined by several social, economic and cultural barriers. The study identified some of the factors driving female youth into politics and some hindering their participation. It was established that areas with higher levels of election-related persecution are more exposed to politics and higher levels of wanting to participate in political developments. It was noted that female youth who had experienced violence are more probable than non-affected youth to turn out to be effective politicians and to realise the importance of elections.

Chiara Pierobon analyzes the relationship existing between political youth organizations, music and national identity in contemporary Russia. In particular, she focuses the most important political youth organizations present in the city of St. Petersburg and describes their contribution to the conceptualization of post-Soviet national identity(ies), as captured through an analysis of their music. The book distinguishes itself for its conceptualization of music and provides new empirical insights into the use of this medium as a research tool and as an analytic device for the study and comparison of political youth organizations. It also suggests the adoption of a new approach looking at the national identity issue as an "operational category offering a [new] relevant framework for the study of contemporary Russia" (Laruelle 2010). Contents Russia and the national identity issue On the role of music The case of St. Petersburg Web Analysis Music and Russian national identity Target Groups Students as well as researchers of political sociology, political communication or cultural studies Readers interested in sociology of music, nationalism, social movements and organizations, post-soviet politics The Author Chiara Pierobon works as post-doctoral fellow at the Center for German and European Studies (CGES/ZDES) of the Bielefeld University, Germany

Relates how an account of young rebels during Stalinist Russia provoked debate among press & society with many questioning the plausibility of secondary school students creating their own ideological space despite the all-encompassing party propaganda & minimal exposure to outside information. By analyzing & contextualizing the students' ideological & social backgrounds, activities, & tools of dissemination amid the "Stalinist civilization," an effort is made to understand how & why a young person in this environment formed convictions that departed from the official party line. The conclusion is drawn that, far from preventing political opposition, the restrictive mental & intellectual atmosphere proved an impetus to the youths' search for alternative thought, not only causing their resistance but shaping its form & character. Hence, faith & knowledge of socialist scripture seeded a more highly developed social conscience & abilities for political expression. A. E. Sadler

This study compares members of political youth organisations and explains variations in material incentives for enrolment using both organisation-level and individual-level factors. Empirically, it is based on a web survey of about 3,000 members of eight Swedish youth organisations. The analysis shows that young people have a complex combination of concerns, with the main dividing line being whether or not material incentives are important. At the organisational level, the prevalence of material incentives among members is positively related to the size of the mother party and whether it has government experience. Further, we find a positive association between material incentives and economic dependence on the part of the youth organisation on its mother party. At the individual level, we find that members who see the main role of the youth organisation as being to provide support for the mother party and for those politically aligned with it are more likely to have material motives for their enrolment.