Il tema dell'influenza della fratture religiosa nella determinazione delle preferenze politico-elettorali e del confronto interpartitico è stato considerato in misura marginale in molteplici studi sul sistema partitico canadese. Nell'ambito del dibattito dottrinario e politico, la tendenza generale che è prevalsa sinora è stata quella di mettere in risalto, più che altro, le intersecazioni esistenti tra le diversità linguistiche ed etno-culturali con un ordine politico oramai profondamente secolarizzato, in cui la religione riveste un ruolo superficiale e secondario per influenzare le scelte degli elettori.
The study of the relationship between politics and religion is important to understand the current society of Bangladesh. It is believed that the reason for the separation of the Indian subcontinent into two parts: India and Pakistan was a religious factor. East Bengal became part of Pakistan, called East Pakistan. In Pakistan Islam was the state religion, which was reflected in the entire social life of Bengalis. In East Pakistan, most of the people are Bengalis and speak in Bangla, culture, traditions and way of life were historically connected with the peoples of India. In Pakistan, the state language was Urdu. The authorities of west Pakistan pressed the people of East Pakistan to study Urdu in educational institutions, tried to ignore the Bangla language, limiting the activities of newspapers and radio, which caused discontent among the population. A considerable time in educational institutions was devoted to the study of religion. Many decisions of local authorities were adopted and executed on the behalf of Islam. The authorities of Pakistan suppressed the people with this policy by mass repressions. Particularly bloody repressions against the Bengali people were held in 1971. As a result of a popular uprising, armed struggle and the expulsion of troops, this part of Pakistan has become an independent country. In 1972, after the establishment of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, secularism became one of the fundamental principles of the Constitution of Bangladesh. The article analyzes the political process through which religion becomes part of politics, using the historical method of research. Although the Constitution says that religion is separated from the state, but until now religion is considered a very important factor in the politics of Bangladesh. ; Исследование отношений между политикой и религией представляется важным для понимания современного состояния общества в Бангладеш. Считается, что причиной разделения индийского субконтинента на две части - Индию и Пакистан - явился религиозный фактор. Восточная Бенгалия стала частью Пакистана, которая была названа Восточным Пакистаном. В Пакистане ислам стал государственной религией, что отражалось и на всей социальной жизни бенгальцев. Основное население Восточного Пакистана - это бенгальцы, говорящие на языке бенгали (бенгальский), чьи культура, традиции и образ жизни исторически связаны с народами Индии. В Пакистане государственный язык урду. Власти ввели обязательное изучение урду в учебных заведениях, в том числе и Восточного Пакистана, пытались принизить значение бенгальского языка, ограничив ведение журналистской деятельности на бенгальском, включая газеты, радио, что вызывало недовольство населения. Значительное время в учебных заведениях отводилось изучению религии. Многие решения местных властей принимались и исполнялись от имени ислама. На сопротивление народа такой политике власти Пакистана отвечали массовыми репрессиями. Особенно кровавые репрессии против бенгальского народа были совершены в 1971 году. В результате народного восстания, вооруженной борьбы и изгнания войск Восточная часть Пакистана стала независимой страной. Одним из основополагающих принципов Конституции Народной Республики Бангладеш, когда только она формировалась в 1972 году, стал секуляризм. В статье анализируется политический процесс, посредством которого религия становится частью политики, используя исторический метод исследования. Несмотря на то, что в Конституции написано, что религия отделена от государства, но до сих пор религия является очень важным фактором в политике Бангладеш.
En los primeros años de la Restauración, en Italia se verificó un juego sutil de alianzas entre gobiernos, corrientes ultra-católicas y fuerzas reaccionarias, con tendencia a la represión de las posiciones progresistas y al refuerzo del poder político. Los gobiernos concedieron una cierta libertad al catolicismo inflexible, para que pudiera aumentar un renovado tipo de proselitismo con la intención de acercar a una concepción más dogmática de la religión a quien habían estado desviado de sugestiones subversivas. Por su parte, la reacción laica, por cuenta sobre todo de los soberanos, se empeñó en una ferviente batalla de propaganda contra liberales y moderados. Por lo tanto, la política y la religión terminaron por unirse en un vínculo inseparable que no permite delimitar los respectivos campos de acción, de modo que una instrumentalizaba a la otra, para conseguir formar un frente común ultraconservador. ; During the first years of the European Restoration, a subtle game of alliances between governments, ultra-catholic currents and reactionary forces took place in Italy. This interaction aimed to repress the progressive demands while strengthening the political power originated from the Congress of Vienna. Thus the governments accommodated intransigent Catholicism with a certain freedom in order to encourage a revived proselytism. This had the main purpose to draw back to a dogmatic form of religion those who had been influenced by subversive trends. On the contrary, the secular response, proposed mainly by the sovereigns, waged a fierce propagandistic battle against the liberals and the moderates. As a consequence, politics and religion became inextricably linked and their respective fields of action encroached upon one another. Hence, politics and religion took advantage of each other in their common ultraconservative intent.
During the first years of the European Restoration, a subtle game of alliances between governments, ultra-catholic currents and reactionary forces took place in Italy. This interaction aimed to repress the progressive demands while strengthening the political power originated from the Congress of Vienna. Thus the governments accommodated intransigent Catholicism with a certain freedom in order to encourage a revived proselytism. This had the main purpose to draw back to a dogmatic form of religion those who had been influenced by subversive trends. On the contrary, the secular response, proposed mainly by the sovereigns, waged a fierce propagandistic battle against the liberals and the moderates. As a consequence, politics and religion became inextricably linked and their respective fields of action encroached upon one another. Hence, politics and religion took advantage of each other in their common ultraconservative intent. ; En los primeros años de la Restauración, en Italia se verificó un juego sutil de alianzas entre gobiernos, corrientes ultra-católicas y fuerzas reaccionarias, con tendencia a la represión de las posiciones progresistas y al refuerzo del poder político. Los gobiernos concedieron una cierta libertad al catolicismo inflexible, para que pudiera aumentar un renovado tipo de proselitismo con la intención de acercar a una concepción más dogmática de la religión a quien habían estado desviado de sugestiones subversivas. Por su parte, la reacción laica, por cuenta sobre todo de los soberanos, se empeñó en una ferviente batalla de propaganda contra liberales y moderados. Por lo tanto, la política y la religión terminaron por unirse en un vínculo inseparable que no permite delimitar los respectivos campos de acción, de modo que una instrumentalizaba a la otra, para conseguir formar un frente común ultraconservador. ; En los primeros años de la Restauración, en Italia se verificó un juego sutil de alianzas entre gobiernos, corrientes ultra-católicas y fuerzas reaccionarias, con tendencia a la ...
Among the main topics discussed by Sarpi scholarship, the question of the Servite's religious attitude is undoubtedly the most popular. No other topic attracted more interest and produced such deep disagreement, especially since the rediscovering of his manuscript Pensieri (whose first trustable edition dates only to 1996). In this essay, I will analyse the most important interpretations of Sarpi's attitude towards religion and theology that have emerged so far. This analysis will open the way for a more direct examination of some of Sarpi's texts that have been used to support the different readings of his thoughts. Finally, I will propose some considerations regarding the possibility to include Sarpi in the history of early modern atheism. ; ABSTRACT Among the main topics discussed by Sarpi scholarship, the question of the Servite's religious attitude is undoubtedly the most popular. No other topic attracted more interest and produced such deep disagreement, especially since the rediscovering of his manuscript Pensieri (whose first trustable edition dates only to 1996). In this essay, I will analyse the most important interpretations of Sarpi's attitude towards religion and theology that have emerged so far. This analysis will open the way for a more direct examination of some of Sarpi's texts that have been used to support the different readings of his thoughts. Finally, I will propose some considerations regarding the possibility to include Sarpi in the history of early modern atheism.
Attraverso il confronto con gli altri monasteri femminili e maschili esistenti in laguna negli stessi secoli, il presente intervento indaga il ruolo rivestito dal cenobio femminile di San Zaccaria all'interno delle vicende politiche, sociali e religiose del dogado veneziano nei secoli cruciali dell'alto medioevo. L'analisi evidenzia da un lato l'esistenza di una chiara scansione cronologica entro la quale la comunità monastica esplica in maniera più o meno incisiva una funzione di rappresentanza dapprima della famiglia dogale poi della città stessa, dall'altro in che misura tale funzione sia determinata da vicende esterne al dogado o da elementi interni al monastero stesso. ; This paper analyses the role played by the female religious community of San Zaccaria in the political, social and religious context of the Venetian Dogado during the Early Middle Ages. On the one hand, by comparing the convent with the other Venetian male and female monasteries, the study clarifies that the community exercised a more or less incisive role in representing first the doge's family, then the entire city, during a specific timeframe. On the other hand, the analysis reveals to what extent the functions the monastery exercised were influenced by events external to the Dogado or by developments within San Zaccaria itself.
L'articolo presenta una riflessione sul rapporto tra politica e religione in età moderna che all'interno del dibattito in corso sulle tensioni analizza le dinamichei fra spazi politici, società e individuo negli orientamenti, frutto di un contesto di un dibattito culturale profondamente diverso da quello che ha accompagnato il tramonto del secolo appena trascorso e che consente ora di individuare nuovi percorsi di ricerca. In queste pagine il tema del rapporto fra Politica e religione viene assunto non come una sorta di generica endiadi ma come l'intersecazione fra due campi e modalità di ricerca ben definibili del sapere e della ricerca storica, che si affiancano e delimitano altri temi, c, che pur sono contermini ma che forse sono rimasti meno controversi ed esposti al ri-orientamento storiografico: quello ad esempio del rapporto «religione e politica», che rimane spesso ambito privilegiato degli studi di storia delle religioni; quello del rapporto tra «teologia e politica», rispetto al quale esiste una consolidata tradizione di studi a confine con quelli giuridici, e infine quello del rapporto tra «politica e Chiesa (cattolica)».
During the first years of the European Restoration, a subtle game of alliances between governments, ultra-catholic currents and reactionary forces took place in Italy. This interaction aimed to repress the progressive demands while strengthening the political power originated from the Congress of Vienna. Thus the governments accommodated intransigent Catholicism with a certain freedom in order to encourage a revived proselytism. This had the main purpose to draw back to a dogmatic form of religion those who had been influenced by subversive trends. On the contrary, the secular response, proposed mainly by the sovereigns, waged a fierce propagandistic battle against the liberals and the moderates. As a consequence, politics and religion became inextricably linked and their respective fields of action encroached upon one another. Hence, politics and religion took advantage of each other in their common ultraconservative intent.
Preliminary Material -- Introduction /Filippo Del Lucchese , Fabio Frosini and Vittorio Morfino -- 1 Il genere e il tempo delle parole: dire la guerra nei testi machiavelliani /Jean-Louis Fournel -- 2 'Uno piccolo dono': A Software Tool for Comparing the First Edition of Machiavelli's The Prince to Its Sixteenth Century French Translations /Jean-Claude Zancarini -- 3 Of 'Extravagant' Writing: The Prince, Chapter IX /Romain Descendre -- 4 'Italia' come spazio politico in Machiavelli /Giorgio Inglese -- 5 Machiavelli the Tactician: Math, Graphs, and Knots in The Art of War /Gabriele Pedullà -- 6 Lucretian Naturalism and the Evolution of Machiavelli's Ethic /Alison Brown -- 7 Corpora Caeca: Discontinuous Sovereignty in The Prince /Jacques Lezra -- 8 The Five Theses of Machiavelli's 'Philosophy' /Vittorio Morfino -- 9 Tempo e politica: Una lettura materialista di Machiavelli /Sebastián Torres -- 10 Imitation and Animality: On the Relationship between Nature and History in Chapter XVIII of The Prince /Tania Rispoli -- 11 Prophetic Efficacy: The Relationship between Force and Belief /Thomas Berns -- 12 Prophecy, Education, and Necessity: Girolamo Savonarola between Politics and Religion /Fabio Frosini -- 13 'Uno Mero Esecutore': Moses, Fortuna, and Occasione in The Prince /Warren Montag -- 14 Machiavelli and the Republican Conception of Providence /Miguel Vatter -- 15 Machiavelli, Public Debt, and the Origin of Political Economy: An Introduction /Jérémie Barthas -- 16 Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising /Yves Winter -- 17 Machiavelli's Greek Tyrant as Republican Reformer /John P. McCormick -- 18 Essere Principe, Essere Populare: The Principle of Antagonism in Machiavelli's Epistemology /Etienne Balibar -- 19 The Different Faces of the People: On Machiavelli's Political Topography /Stefano Visentin -- 20 Machiavelli Was Not a Republicanist – Or Monarchist: On Louis Althusser's 'Aleatory' Interpretation of The Prince /Mikko Lahtinen -- 21 Lectures machiavéliennes d'Althusser /Mohamed Moulfi -- 22 Machiavelli after Althusser /Banu Bargu -- 23 Gramsci's Machiavellian Metaphor: Restaging The Prince /Peter D. Thomas -- Index /Filippo Del Lucchese , Fabio Frosini and Vittorio Morfino.