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First of all, the article analyzes, in panorama, Spinoza's ontology. Secondly, it shows how, from the concepts present in the ontology, the author derives others, as man, desire, joy and sorrow, hope and fear, security and despair, action and passion. From the relationship between ontology, men and desire - as well as from the other affects -, are extracted, in brief considerations, some Spinoza ́s political thesis. In this argumentative movement, the hypothesis is that many Spinoza's political thesis a rise from its ontology and its conception of man as desire and potency variation. The concept of desire is analyzed in the light of the variation of potency and the theme of natural right, which in Spinoza is identical to potency. When the subject is the brief derivations to politics, some hobbesian thesis - related to the following subjects, namely, the multitude, the people, the representation, the natural right, the civil state, etc. - are brought to show, by contrast, the importance of Spinoza's innovations.

When the subject in question is contemporary political thought, Arendt's studies are indispensable. She has become a reference in this subject since the publication of her work 'The Origins of Totalitarianism'. In this article, however, the objective is not to discuss or analyze the concept of this author's policy or necessarily relate it to a particular theory or form of government, but to present in an introductory and elementary way, some aspects of her considerations and positions on the feeling of compassion in politics as understood by her, especially as they appear in her work 'On Revolution'.

Neste artigo, o campo de estudos de currículo delineia-se por uma escrita biográfica e reflexiva com a qual o autor destaca movimentos de sua vida profissional a partir de registros escritos e lembranças.

This text aims to analyze the process of interpenetration between the public and private spheres in two videos of the channel Porta dos Fundos on YouTube, Questão de Ordem and Nome na Lista, problematizing the notion of politics of emotions through the videos. Therefore, will be made a dialogue between a theoretical discussion about the evolution of the notions of public and private, through Richard Sennett (2014) and Sandra Jovchelovitch (2000), the analysis of emotional discourses as political practices, through by Lila Abu-Lughod and Catherine Lutz (1990) and Claudia Rezende and Maria Claudia Coelho (2010) and the channel's humour about politics, by analyzing these two videos. ; Este trabalho analisa o processo de interpenetração entre as esferas pública e privada em dois vídeos do canal Porta dos Fundos no YouTube, Questão de Ordem e Nome na Lista, problematizando a noção de política das emoções através dos vídeos. Para tanto, será feito o diálogo entre uma discussão teórica sobre a evolução das noções de público e privado, através de Richard Sennett (2014) e Sandra Jovchelovitch (2000), a análise dos discursos emocionais como práticas políticas, por meio de Lila Abu- Lughod e Catherine Lutz (1990) e Claudia Rezende e Maria Claudia Coelho (2010) e o humor sobre política feito pelo canal, pela análise destes dois vídeos. ; This text aims to analyze the process of interpenetration between the public and private spheres in two videos of the channel Porta dos Fundos on YouTube, Questão de Ordem and Nome na Lista, problematizing the notion of politics of emotions through the videos. Therefore, will be made a dialogue between a theoretical discussion about the evolution of the notions of public and private, through Richard Sennett (2014) and Sandra Jovchelovitch (2000), the analysis of emotional discourses as political practices, through by Lila Abu-Lughod and Catherine Lutz (1990) and Claudia Rezende and Maria Claudia Coelho (2010) and the channel's humour about politics, by analyzing these two videos.

The struggles for independence in Latin America during the first half of the nineteenth century were accompanied by a wide-ranging debate about political rights, nationality and citizenship. In South American Independence , Catherine Davies, Claire Brewster and Hilary Owen investigate the neglected role of gender in that discussion. Examining women writers from Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Peru, and Colombia, the book traces the contradictions inherent in revolutionary movements that, while arguing for the rights of all, remained ambivalent, at best, about the place of women. Through studies of b

From the ideas of Immanuel Kant and Hannah Arendt regarding Faculty of judgment, this article seeks to analyse the possible connections between our ability to judge the beautiful, and the way in which contemporary art articulate aesthetic values, moral and cognitive. To this end, presents some aspects of appropriation that Arendt makes aesthetic judgment of taste who thinks the beautiful as a political category, aimed at a possible Association of public manifestations of contemporary art to the political action of public character.

Nesse artigo vamos analisar a questão do medo, e o uso político do medo, comparando dois casos dessa utilização da estratégia do medo no discurso político da mídia televisiva, os quais foram efetuados em dois momentos diferentes, nas campanhas eleitorais das eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2014. Além disso, busca-se relacionar o discurso do medo na mídia, às condições de incertezas, a busca do prazer, o consumo e o individualismo instauradas na pós-modernidade. A partir de uma análise crítica das condições sociais, pretende-se investigar como o medo, potencializado pela mídia, é capaz de produzir um efeito de alienação capaz de criar um discurso que acaba se repetindo mecanicamente, reproduzindo ações e ampliando conceitos artificiais introduzidos socialmente, produzindo, mesmo, a proliferação de preconceitos, discursos fáceis e estereotipados.

In 'Democracy against capitalism', Ellen Wood defends two important theses: capitalism inaugurates a new kind of exploitation and extortion of the working class that is not directly dependent on state extortion; this makes it possible for some political rights to be extended to a larger number of people through the establishment of "representative democracy". On the other hand, workers' political participation is limited: by identifying democracy with political representation, the ruling classes have created an illusion of popular political participation that is, in fact, extremely limited, or almost nil. In this article, we intend to show some of the main limits of representative democracy, and how this "democracy" atomizes citizens and keeps them away from effective political participation. For this, we will use other influential theorists such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Bernard Manin, Hanna Pitkin, Noam Chomsky.

Leonardo Bruni (1370-1444), chancellor and historian, is the author of one of the main praises of the city of Florence of this period. In writing to Laudatio florentinae urbis (1403-1404), the humanist describes Florence and its government as a well-ordered, beautiful, wholesome, free and participatory city. The paper analyzes this text not only as a rhetorical piece, but highlights the republican ideals of freedom, self-government and citizenship. From an institutional point of view, Laudatio offers the foundations of mixed government, which would become a central aspect of Renaissance republicanism. From the ancients, Bruni removes the idea of the division of powers from the classic triad monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, with the separation of functions in each of these pure forms. Bruni points out that both aspects of antiquity can be found in the Florentine institutions of his time, in such a way that he observes in the historical fact the realization of an ancient political theory, complementing, therefore, the idealization of the city.

This paper assesses empirically the way in which two Latin American upper chambers - the Argentine and Brazilian senates - made use of their confirmation prerogatives between 1989 and 2003: whether taking on a deferential posture towards executive proposals or a more active role, including both consultation and oversight. The article first analyses all nominations regarding outcome (confirmed, rejected, and withdrawn) and length of process. Then, the similarities and differences are used to advance some explanatory hypotheses. Special attention is paid to the impact of political factors, especially senates internal rules for the organization of the legislative work.

I propose in this work to show a possible connection between two anthropological images or ways of understanding humanity,along with the respective political implications of each. These two ways are "person" and "subject". I will also make use of Boethius' definition of person and assume that human political community is natural, at least in that even when the political does not constitute a natural dimension of human life but is solely contractual there is still there the disposition to make political contracts. ; Me propongo en este trabajo mostrar una posible conexión entre dos figuras antropológicas o modos de entender lo humano, con sus respectivas prolongaciones políticas. Esos dos modos son la "persona" y el "sujeto". Me serviré también de la definición boeciana de persona y asumo la politicidad humana como natural, una vez que mismo cuando el político no constituye una dimensión natural de la vida humana sino sólo contractual, hay la la disposición para hacer contratos políticos.

Diderot's theories on the origin and function of the ideal model in the arts go far beyond purely naturalistic reading. The ideal model, since cannot be understood as the result of an inductive process which starts in a physiological disposition, even so is not conceived by the actor in a state of seclusion. The hypothesis to be sustained here is that such alternatives are ramifications of an ideal model raised from the political ground, or a strand of politics that does not allow any kind of privilege.According to Diderot, equanimity is a natural tendency between members of human species, and in the civil state the constitutional system of government has been the only one to actually achieve this ideal, so to be pursued and spread also by means of artistic languages.]Abstract. Diderot's theories on the origin and function of the ideal model in the arts go far beyond purely naturalistic reading. The ideal model, since cannot be understood as the result of an inductive process which starts in a physiological disposition, even so is not conceived by the actor in a state of seclusion. The hypothesis to be sustained here is that such alternatives are ramifications of an ideal model raised from the political ground, or a strand of politics that does not allow any kind of privilege. According to Diderot, equanimity isa natural tendency between members of human species, and in the civil state the constitutional system of government has been the only one to actually achieve this ideal, so to be pursued and spread also by means of artistic languages. ; Contesta-se aqui a leitura exclusivamente naturalista que se faz das teorias de Diderot sobre a origem e a função do modelo ideal nas artes. O modelo ideal, assim como não pode ser entendido como fruto de um processo indutivo que parta de certa disposição fisiológica, também não é concebido pelo ator em estado de isolamento, resultante de um julgamento íntimo frente à tensão entre razão e sensibilidade. A hipótese a ser defendida é a de que essas alternativas sejam desdobramento de um modelo ideal originado no solo da política, mais especificamente, uma vertente da política contrária aos privilégios das elites, de modo que na plateia nenhum espectador as admire, nem queira se identificar com elas. Embora Diderot considere que a equanimidade seja uma tendência natural aos membros da espécie humana, é o aspecto convencional da linguagem, a artística inclusive, que justifica sua opção pelo sistema constitucionalista – que no estado civil garante direitos iguais para todos –, como a concretização do ideal a ser perseguido e a ser disseminado pelas artes.

A sociedade israelense constitui um exemplo interessante de religião da política, ou seja, um exemplo de como a dimensão política de uma sociedade pode adquirir um aspecto religioso próprio, assumindo um caráter de sacralidade. No início da experiência sionista acentua-se em Israel a religião do trabalho, a construção de um calendário cívico, a formação de uma nova identidade nacional. A partir da metade dos anos 1970, outros fatores prevalecem: a memória da Shoah, a construção de lugares do martírio nacional, o mito da resistência até o último homem. Chama-se a atenção, neste ensaio, para os percursos de uma sociedade civil que sente a necessidade de reescrever os contornos de sua identidade e remodelar a memória pública, pensando em si mesma como comunidade nacional. ; Israeli society constitutes an interesting example of the religion of politics, that is, an example of how the political dimension of a society may acquire a religious aspect of its own and assume a sacred character. In the beginning of the Zionist experience, the religion of labor, the construction of a civic calendar and of a new national identity gained importance. From the mid 1970's on, other factors have prevailed. They are: memories from the Ha-Shoah, the construction of national martyrdom sites, and the myth of resistance until the last man. In this essay, the tracks taken by a civil society that feels the necessity of redefining the contours of its identity and remodeling its public memory, considering itself a national community, are emphasized.

The last elections in Brazil have shown a growing participation of evangelicals in the political scenario and a majority identification with right-wing governments. A representative mark of this behavior occurred in the expressive support given to the presidential election of Bolsonaro and in the occupation of several positions in the exercise of his government. The article presents the historical trajectory of evangelical behavior in the political sphere and also the factors that historically configure theimagery of this religious segment, guiding its approaches to the right. Priority is given to the conceptual notion of "imaginary", as used by the so-called new political history. As sources of analysis, in addition to bibliographic texts, audiovisual resources, social media and lyrics from the Brazilian evangelical universe are used.