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Explores the pre-1920s development of Hindu nationalist identity, which is prior to the polarization between Indian nationalism & communalism, focusing on the latter. These two key concepts are scrutinized in terms of a framework of polarization, arguing that they must be distinguished to gain an understanding of how Hindu nationalism works in Indian politics. In addition, & in contravention of this framework, a close relationship between Hindu & Indian nationalisms is posited. At issue is clarifying how Hindu nationalism formed autonomously sans the polarization framework to shape its meaning. The ideological development of the Hindu Sabha movement in northwestern India is depicted. This identity emerged in the context of rapid change & intense scrutiny of Indian nationalism. It is contended that the development of these competing identities was tied as they worked in the same discursive arena of middle-class consciousness & grappled with the core question of how people ought to be represented relative to the state. Analysis is aimed at illustrating that identity politics is associated schematically with the modernity of universalist nationalism. 28 References. J. Zendejas

Explores the pre-1920s development of Hindu nationalist identity, which is prior to the polarization between Indian nationalism & communalism, focusing on the latter. These two key concepts are scrutinized in terms of a framework of polarization, arguing that they must be distinguished to gain an understanding of how Hindu nationalism works in Indian politics. In addition, & in contravention of this framework, a close relationship between Hindu & Indian nationalisms is posited. At issue is clarifying how Hindu nationalism formed autonomously sans the polarization framework to shape its meaning. The ideological development of the Hindu Sabha movement in northwestern India is depicted. This identity emerged in the context of rapid change & intense scrutiny of Indian nationalism. It is contended that the development of these competing identities was tied as they worked in the same discursive arena of middle-class consciousness & grappled with the core question of how people ought to be represented relative to the state. Analysis is aimed at illustrating that identity politics is associated schematically with the modernity of universalist nationalism. 28 References. J. Zendejas

The post-WWII consensus on the relationship between class & politics in advanced industrial societies has ended, leading to lively debate. Four different positions in this debate are identified, all in agreement that the class basis of politics has eroded. This basic assumption is challenged here, arguing that, though the political significance of class has been altered in the late 20th century, these changes have been too complex & too varied across national political contexts to be explained by any single thesis. Empirical evidence is presented to refute the argument that a weakening of the link between class & voting behavior represents a generic feature of politics in advanced industrial societies. Implications for Marxist approaches to the issue are discussed. 53 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The post-WWII consensus on the relationship between class & politics in advanced industrial societies has ended, leading to lively debate. Four different positions in this debate are identified, all in agreement that the class basis of politics has eroded. This basic assumption is challenged here, arguing that, though the political significance of class has been altered in the late 20th century, these changes have been too complex & too varied across national political contexts to be explained by any single thesis. Empirical evidence is presented to refute the argument that a weakening of the link between class & voting behavior represents a generic feature of politics in advanced industrial societies. Implications for Marxist approaches to the issue are discussed. 53 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The utility of the notion of multi-level governance for examining governance within the contemporary British political context is considered. An overview of the difficulties encountered in applying the Westminster Model to studies of contemporary British politics is provided; the concept of multi-level governance is explored to highlight its potential advantages for investigating British politics, eg, its multi-level account of intergovernmental relations in the UK. Differences in the general principles & predominant internal & external dimensions between the Westminster Model & R. Rhodes' (1997) notion of differentiated polity are considered. As a result of this comparison, Rhodes' notion of the differentiated polity is used to replace the Westminster Model since it is capable of comprehending the changing nature of British politics, especially the modifications in intergovernmental relations & the disaggregation of centralized state power. Even though support for the UK's participation in a regional government has increased, it is stressed that the UK central government's authority has not completely subsided; the benefits of using a multi-level governance approach to exploring this reality are articulated. 1 Table, 1 Figure. J. W. Parker

"This essay describes the situation of religion in Hong Kong. Particular attention is paid on its social role in the community. Starting in the 19th Century, Hong Kong transformed from a rural region dominated by traditional Chinese culture to a modernized, globalized and value pluralistic society. It also underwent a process of colonization and de-colonization. It is an interesting issue how various types of religion adapt to this rapidly changing social and political environment. The following section introduces the historical background of Hong Kong. Section III provides a brief sketch of the ethical situation of this society. It is intended to set the stage for the analysis of the situation of religion and its social role in the society in sections IV and V. The historic process of de-colonization in the 1980's and the 1990's has big impact on religion. Section VI discusses how various types of religion are affected by this political change and how they respond to it." (author's abstract)

The study describes the process & the political circumstances of the EU-accession of Hungary. Already through the economic reforms in the first half of the eighties Hungary strove for a rapprochement to the European Community. After 1989 during the system transformation, the general political slogan became "turning back to Europe." Having overcome an initial period of historical argumentation & moral & political motivation, the reconstruction of political democracy & market economy paved the way to the accession to the EU. Despite of alternating governments & a changing party landscape Hungary developed into one of the most stable democracies of the CEE countries. In 1996-98 the government settled the disputes over borders & minorities with the neighbouring countries. In 1998 the country became a member of NATO & thus a stabilising element in the Central European region. Fundamental economic reforms, privatisation & influx of foreign direct investment brought about sustainable economic growth. Since the beginning of the negotiations with the EU in 1998, Hungary was in a kind of leading position & made great progress in meeting the accession criteria. The study introduces the main players in the accession process. It stresses the consensus among the main political forces in the question of EU-accession & discusses some debated issues of the accession strategy like minority problems, the agricultural crisis, immigration, & media policies. The study also deals with the changing public attitudes in the country concerning European Integration: from the high floating EU-phoria at the beginning of the nineties through partly disappointment & reservations at the turn of the century to sober attitudes, demonstrating a continuous &, in the last period nowadays even further increasing support for EU Membership with the successful referendum. Tables, Graphs, References.

Following an overview of Charter 99's "Charter for Global Democracy," an ambitious agenda for democratic cosmopolitanism, the problematic nature of cultural, moral, & political distance in the context of globalization is examined as an impediment to just such a progressive democratic cosmopolitan project. Here, cultural distance is interpreted as cultural difference & defended as such, with cosmopolitanism problematized while localism is viewed less negatively. The universalism inherent in cosmopolitanism & the Charter is considered, along with the moral ambivalence that surrounds the kinds of localized conflicts the Charter seeks to confront. It is asserted that there is no way of hierarchizing the claims of a universalizing morality & a respect for localism. Further, an effective cosmopolitanism cannot stand on universal abstractions but must deploy a mode of local articulation, allowing clashes between different localisms to be resolved at the local level. As to the possibility of building a global governance regime, the general compatibility of positions that hold to the importance of locality/difference with the regulatory, interventionist stance of global governance must be contemplated. To this end, common ground between proponents of universalism & difference is explored by way of three examples. In an effort to reconcile the two stances, the thought of pluralist Michael Walzer on difference & universalism is drawn on. Walzer argues that universalism must be derived from difference such that universal positions are morally minimalist. This moral minimalism implies a broad skepticism regarding global governance, a proposition taken up in closing & discussed in terms of location & locality. J. Zendejas

Following an overview of Charter 99's "Charter for Global Democracy," an ambitious agenda for democratic cosmopolitanism, the problematic nature of cultural, moral, & political distance in the context of globalization is examined as an impediment to just such a progressive democratic cosmopolitan project. Here, cultural distance is interpreted as cultural difference & defended as such, with cosmopolitanism problematized while localism is viewed less negatively. The universalism inherent in cosmopolitanism & the Charter is considered, along with the moral ambivalence that surrounds the kinds of localized conflicts the Charter seeks to confront. It is asserted that there is no way of hierarchizing the claims of a universalizing morality & a respect for localism. Further, an effective cosmopolitanism cannot stand on universal abstractions but must deploy a mode of local articulation, allowing clashes between different localisms to be resolved at the local level. As to the possibility of building a global governance regime, the general compatibility of positions that hold to the importance of locality/difference with the regulatory, interventionist stance of global governance must be contemplated. To this end, common ground between proponents of universalism & difference is explored by way of three examples. In an effort to reconcile the two stances, the thought of pluralist Michael Walzer on difference & universalism is drawn on. Walzer argues that universalism must be derived from difference such that universal positions are morally minimalist. This moral minimalism implies a broad skepticism regarding global governance, a proposition taken up in closing & discussed in terms of location & locality. J. Zendejas

Three different proposals for deploying a national missile defense system in the present-day US are examined. An analysis of the feasibility of implementing the Clinton administration's proposed limited modifications to the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty is conducted, emphasizing its development schedule, approach toward dealing with countermeasures, & creation of a boost phase interception defense. The implications of making more severe alterations to the ABM Treaty, the formation of a missile defense system with multiple sites for launching interceptor missiles, & the use of Navy Aegis radar technology for missile defense are then addressed. Additional attention is directed toward using missile defense systems based on laser technology & George H. W. Bush's global protection against limited strikes plan. The emergence of national missile defense supporters & opponents in the American public & political sectors is considered. Several conclusions are reached, eg, that current political sentiment in the US favors limited ballistic missile defense. 1 Figure. J. W. Parker