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Throughout the year the controversial legislative elections dominated the political landscape. Huge anti-government demonstrations that called in vain for political alternance. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party, however without the expected constitutional amendment majority. Therefore, the prime minister and his cabinet were replaced. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e. g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. Unemployment and lacking political change caused increasing migration.

Compares responses to the events of 11 September 2001 to Michel Houellebecq's novel, Extension du dumaine de la lutte, which describes a fictional people that destroy each other's livelihood. The focus is on the spread of mass fear & how 9/11 has reinforced the link between security & international migration, & led countries of North America & Western Europe to strengthen both border controls & the internal control of non-citizens. It is argued that the "securitization" of international migration in the West has resulted in a "clash of civilizations" that has reinforced cultural stereotypes. The historical evolution of migration as a security issue is traced & the migration-security nexus is explored as "an instance of symbolic politics viz. meta-politics in particular." Other issues discussed include the consequences of securitizing international migration; the need to include the study of the metapolitics of migration; & the importance of increasing awareness of both the import/export of conflicts through international migration & positive elements of immigration in order to remove fantasies about migrants as security threats. J. Lindroth

"Cruelty is a specific kind of human behaviour and has a clearly cultural dimension. It is often the result of passions and drives, accompanied by the breaking of taboos and a crossing of boundaries that cultures have raised to prevent the moral regression of mankind. Cruelty is also a "rational" way to acquire and stabilize political power. Both the atrocities themselves and the accusations of cruelty are instruments of power. The political efficiency of cruelty depends on the fear and awe, which it produces. Seneca regarded cruelty as the main attribute of tyranny. Through its imagery (like the bull of Phalaris) it breaks possible resistance and establishes despotism permanently. In the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times cruelty was considered a necessary evil in order to realize superior positive goals. So did the inquisitors, and so did Machiavelli who regarded cruelty not only as a means to the acquisition and preservation of power. The prince should also use cruelty to unify Italy and to build a stable and peaceful political order. Later, the understanding that cruelties are necessary to achieve good ends did not fall into oblivion, in spite of all criticism of Machiavelli's thought. In totalitarianism the aim of cruelty was not primarily the infliction of pain, but the abolition of individualism and the enforcement of the belief in a general law, which rules mankind. This could be either the law of history like during the French Revolution and in socialist states, or the 'natural law' of social Darwinism in the National Socialist and Fascist regimes. After the breakdown of totalitarianism and the triumph of liberal democracy the question arises, if cruelties are necessary components of all politics. Although we can still find cruel policies in liberal democracies (see Guantanamo Bay), at the same time the struggle against cruelty is vital in these systems and explains the dominance of the discourse on human rights." (author's abstract)

Le continent européen, suite aux événements engendrés par le processus de construction européenne qui a mené à l'élargissement vers l'est des frontières extérieures de l'Union Européenne, connaît un processus de transformation. N'importe de quel côté de l'UE, les citoyens des Etats européens ont le droit de jouir du fruit du bien-être, de la sécurité et de la liberté. Le développement d'une politique de voisinage cohérente de la part de Bruxelles s'impose comme nécessité qui résulte du besoin de communication et de coopération parmi les gens et les Etats. N'importe quelle est la vision sur la frontière extérieure de l'Union Européenne, le dialogue engendré à tous les niveaux de la société par le biais des mécanismes de la coopération interuniversitaire est un facteur qui assure la communication nécessaire à un bon voisinage, ce qui contribue à l' "érosion" de la rigidité des frontières. Dû à la création d'un réseau universitaire qui inclut des partenaires de l'intérieur, aussi bien que de l'extérieur de l'Union Européenne, on a créé une liaison au-delà de la frontière extérieure de la communauté. De ce point de vue, la coopération interuniversitaire aux frontières extérieures de la communauté européenne devient un moteur de promotion des valeurs du bon voisinage.

Multilingualism, one of the major problems in the new reality, is considered to be of crucial importance for the European Union, as multilingualism can be identified as the phenomenon leading to the cultural diversity and protects the disappearance of certain languages, mostly regional and minority languages.
The treaties and the decrees within the European Union aim at preservation of cultural and linguistic identities of every country. At the same time, the European Union gives the right to every citizen to have the dialogues with the European institutions in his own language. But, in practice, the things are not like in theory. So, we come across the questions: it is really possible to preserve the linguistic identity within the European Union environment? Or, is the application of multilingualism still a problem without solution?
Even if the European Union tries to preserve the multilingual reality, from the practical point of view the reality is considered to be much more complicated. In this case, the multilingualism, within the European Union, is the problem still expecting solutions.

Du point de vue des grands blocs économiques tels que l'Europe, le Japon et les Etats-
Unis, l'Afrique ne joue plus aucun rôle significatif. Son déclin est visible non seulement à la
faible part qu'elle a dans le commerce extérieur, mais surtout au niveau extrêmement faible de l'investissement extérieur direct. Même en tant que marché, l'Afrique ne présente
pratiquement pas d'intérêt en raison de son faible revenu par habitant. L'Afrique fait partie des Etats du groupe ACP (Afrique-Caraïbes-Pacifique) qui, depuis 1975, sont liés par des liens de coopération à la Communauté européenne dans le cadre de la convention de Lomé. Dans cette contribution, je vais examiner deux aspects de la convention de Lomé : les relations commerciales et le système préférentiel de Lomé (y compris les résultats des accords de l'Uruguay Round) et les systèmes de subventions du Stabex et du Sysmin (pour les produits agricoles et miniers).

The situation, development lines and perspectives of small and medium-sized towns in Germany and France are compared and similarities and differences within the central place systems and the spatial planning of both countries are discussed. With different approaches to definition, these towns have received new attention in both countries in recent years, albeit with different focal points. The discussion covers the positions and lines of development of these towns in the respective central place systems; the perspectives of their future development regarding the strengthening of central place functions, their attractiveness as residential and economic locations, and contexts of rural regional development and services of general interest. In addition, aspects of research on small and medium-sized towns as well as approaches to spatial policy in both countries are addressed.

Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2025) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grass-roots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'.