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The article is devoted to the issue of studying the possibility of developing political decentralized networks based on or following the example of decentralized autonomous organizations (DAO), which are becoming increasingly common in the digital space. Their potential impact on the social institutions of society, including the system of state power, is analyzed. The article traces how the technological embodiment of antimonopoly and anti-state ideologies that have been actively developed in cyberspace can lead to a change in the very foundations of social institutions due to the absence of the need for a "third party" to guarantee the implementation of contracts and building responsible social relations.

The development of cyberspace is viewed through the prism of clashes of state interests seeking to establish control over the system of digital interactions, and multiple interest groups developing technological capabilities for autonomizing action by building protection based on cryptography. If not loosening, then breaking holes in the financial systems of states is an indicator of the success of decentralized finance projects, which means it stimulates the further development of DAOs and their possible transformation into decentralized political networks. The article also analyses the components of the new discipline Cryptonomics or Cryptoeconomics, showing serious scientific and methodological foundations for the development of DAO, which indicates in favor of the possibility of considering them as experimental platforms for the development of more global projects.

The article considers the special nature of the management of decentralized autonomous organizations based on financial incentives. A forecast is made regarding the next stage of confrontation between state structures and decentralized platforms. Conclusions are also drawn about the importance of the DAO for the development of the information society and the role of the intellectual elite in this confrontation.

У статті розглядається поточний російсько-український конфлікт із точки зору класичної теорії тріадичного зв'язку Роджерса Брубейкера. Ми протиставляємо нову політику пам'яті, освіти та мови в Україні після Євромайдану офіційній російській критиці з її широкими посиланнями на, серед іншого, нацизм та "етноцид", міжрегіональну напруженість всередині України, а також спільне "героїчне" минуле росіян і українців. На перший погляд, риторичне та політичне загострення між Україною та Росією у 2014-2019 роках виглядає як типовий тристоронній конфлікт між постколоніальною державою-націоналізатором, етнічною меншиною та її зовнішньою батьківщиною, за концептуалізацією Брубейкера. Проте на основі історичної контекстуалізації ми робимо висновок, що класична теорія тріадичного наступу може лише частково пояснити причинно- наслідкові механізми ескалації російсько-українського конфлікту.

Lady Gaga as a postmodern cultural icon manipulating with images and symbols has created in her "performances" a kind of new "post"-postmodern feminism, in which she followed the line of feminine anarchists – in politics, arts and culture. "Gaga ideology", which in fact "embraces a void", nowadays is vividly presented across alternative forms of popular culture with the subsequent great impact on the generation of millennials.

The article highlights the views of prominent Russian Orthodox Church hierarchy for the Jewish people. Specified on the causes and characteristics charges Jews in changing attitudes towards Jesus Christ from the standpoint of Scripture and explaining Metropolitan Anthony. The article followed Bishop belonging to the Black Hundreds organizations, foundations, principles of their activities and views on the Jewish question. These basic ideas concerning the causes of restricting the rights of the Jewish people, and are examples of metropolitan public appeals to the public to prevent the spread of anti-Semitism and pogroms. The author reflects the Metropolitan's thoughts on the place that Jews can occupy in society. The analysis of the Metropolitan's activities, his statements and attitudes toward the Jewish population has led to the publication's findings, which highlight Metropolitan Anthony's figure as rather contradictory and his views on Jewry polar. He is a follower of imperial politics in the vision of the limited place and role of Jews in society, and considers it a natural and just phenomenon, while in line with the general policy of the state and the indulgence of existing stereotypes. As a clergyman who, imbued with Christian values, served his congregation, he guarded his wards, condemning the violence in their direction. At the same time, the Metropolitan did not manifest itself as an outspoken anti-Semite and did not proclaim on behalf of the church calls for such action.

The article highlights the trend of reinstitutionalisation of propaganda and counter propaganda after a brief historical era of international hiatus in the 1990s when the propaganda-related institutions were dismantled in many countries worldwide. The latter trend is exemplified by a number of processes, including the phenomenon of the Russian propaganda that has evolved after Putin took office, and the emergence of the strategic communications offices in Europe starting from 2015. The revival of propaganda 2.0 is a result of the hybrid wars that have engulfed leading countries worldwide. Propaganda is a systematic effort to manipulate other people's beliefs and spread chaos. Although the current propaganda aims resemble the ones used during the Cold War, the new tech abilities have enhanced its tactics. While the Internet, digitalization and social media platforms offer new opportunities for secret services and relevant experts, the phenomenon of "open consсiousness" allows an average consumer to be unwillingly affected by the messages that contain propaganda. It is argued that counter-propaganda tools should factor in media literacy efforts and building resilience among the general population to withstand disinformation messages. A number of organizations focused at countering propaganda has been created as a means of an institutional solution. Following a watershed moment in Ukraine two relevant organizations were established in 2021: Centre for Countering Disinformation (as part of the National Security and Defense Council) and Centre of Strategic Communications and Information Security (as part of the Ministry of Culture and Information Politics). These organizations aim at carrying out relevant work in line with their EU counterparts.

The article is devoted to the socio-psychological analysis of the image of a political leader in the space of thinking of Ukrainian student youth. The problems of the implementation of the political choice of student youth in the process of socio-political changes are revealed. As politics began to be perceived as personalized, through the prism of personal characteristics of particular political figures, it is relevant to study the role of the image of a political leader, which is characterized by the transformation of personal and professional qualities. The paper presents a comparative analysis of the results of an empirical study of the image of a political leader in the space of thinking of student youth conducted at the Nizhyn Mykola Gogol State University and Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University in 2011-2019. The article presents that formed image of the politician determines the level of political activity during elections. A comparative analysis of the results obtained concerning the priorities of student youth reveals the most important political quality of the political leader for student youth – his social orientation and concern for the people. The results of the comparative analysis indicate an increase in the political subjectivity of youth, but negative emotions (disappointment) impede the willingness for responsible participation in political life. Three groups of factors are identified that mediate the process of perception by the electorate of a political leader. Features of vertical and horizontal involvement of a citizen in political activity are revealed. The peculiarities of changing attitudes and the value-normative orientation of the political consciousness of modern students are demonstrated.

The article focuses on the main trends in the revival of religion in the modern world, its active presence in global politics and international relations. It is substantiated that the religious revival at the turn of 1980-1990 in Ukraine, sharp Orthodox-Greek-Catholic and inter-Orthodox conflicts were the result of significant distortions of its institutional and confessional space caused by the party-Soviet religious policy. Special and specific signs of "return of religion" in Ukraine in the context of global religious changes, in particular, the dynamism, complexity and to this day the incompleteness of this process. The content and essential characteristics of the mutual influences of socio-cultural transformations and dynamics of changes in the religious complex of modern Ukraine, the influence of events related to the Revolution of Dignity and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war in the East of the country are analyzed. Peculiarities of life and social positioning of the main actors of the Ukrainian religious landscape, in particular, institutions of the Orthodox complex, UGCC, Protestant denominations, Islamic community, new religious movements are revealed. A number of difficult challenges facing the newly formed Orthodox Church of Ukraine are substantiated - ensuring internal unity, minimizing conflicts, creating their own landmark projects, finding a dialogical model of church reconciliation to overcome the religious frontier of the division of Ukrainian society. The dynamics of public ideas, clear ambivalence and controversy of public consciousness in the religious aspect - from the traditionally high level of trust in religion and the church, to a steady decline in assessments of their importance in the lives of citizens and socio-political processes. Conclusions and proposals on the intensification of the state policy of nationalcivil consolidation and active involvement of religion and religious organizations in this process have been formulated.

The article researches ideological principles of conflict regulation, in particular, the conflict in Eastern Ukraine in the context of forming of national-state ideology. This indicates theoretical and practical interest to a certain topic, which gets new sense and sound at each stage of national and state existence. It has been found out that political strategies should enable planning and forecasting political processes, minimize political bias, and meet reform projects. It is noted that the main vector of socio-cultural transformations had been proclaimed to be the posttotalitarian, post-colonial vector that a priori should permanently protect the state from the disadvantages and tragedies of the previous political era. Philosophical reflection is aimed at understanding of one of the most important components of national-state ideologies – a national idea. At present, there is no single national-state ideology in Ukraine, since new forms of understanding of social reality are in the process of formation. Obviously, it will be formed in the context of political forces' struggle and compromising. The crisis of unity in Ukrainian society is interpreted as a factor that does not contribute to the formation and implementation of a rational political strategy of the state. It is concluded that European spirit of Ukraine and national self-esteem should be formed on state level in internal and foreign politics, on theoretical level in the programs of state reforms, in the concepts and programs of education and upbringing, on daily life level in ideological regulations of interpersonal communication rules. It is concluded that there are the following steps towards peace, first, the cessation of hostilities and pressure, second, the establishment of dialogue, and third, the search for a solution to the contradictions through negotiations.

The article highlights changes in communication in "civil landscapes" of Ukrainian cities, as the parameters of temporality and spatial phenomenology. It is noted that the public space of a city is a special social and cultural form of being under conditions of Ukrainian's conflict. The methodological basis of the study is the concept of national identity, the theory of communicative action, as well as a cultural approach to the analysis of the temporal-spatial phenomenon of the city. The need for research practices focused on comprehending urban identity from the point of view of a "civic approach", establishing national values, and taking into account the communitarian principles of the formation of such an identity is articulated. Civil urban sites are analyzed through the prism of lighting of nationally sensitive time-space. Differences in communicative-spatial transformations of Ukrainian cities, character of presentation of their national-cultural identity in communicative space are described. The pro-active practices of the locals re-vitalizing the Ukrainian space, through the prospect of designing a "national-cultural reality" – of Ukrainian citizenship are outlined. The violation of the cordial eye of the majority of national identities, as if they were based on the front line of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the coveted national-cultural frontiers of Ukraine, move forward. There is a shift in worldview boundaries along the national identity of communities that find themselves on the front lines of the Russian-Ukrainian war and become defensive national-cultural frontiers of Eastern Ukraine. It is noted that the spatial connections of Ukrainian cities and communities require a more powerful national-cultural articulation of the symbolic structure of urban politics and topos' mnemonics.

The revolutionary transition of power to democratic forces after the "dignity revolution" in 2014 in Ukraine did not indicate the absence of contradictions within the new ruling class, because patriotic and devotion to democratic transformation are not the only condition for the consolidation of the ruling class. The democratic theory of the elite, which corresponds to the essence of the designated form of government, recognizes the existence of a select minority (elite) in each of the social spheres, which owns intellectual and voluntary law, not leadership. The relations between the elites are not stable, but on the contrary may become exacerbated in the fractured periods of history In the countries of "young democracy", the relationship between the political and military elite is controversial lace of relations, because the military elite represents a closed "group of interests" in politics, so it can move from supporting the ruling class to a strong opponent of relations. Even the neutral position of the military elite includes a variant of interference in political processes of power scale. Revolutionary changes on Ukraine's path to European integration may have been deeply embedded in the formation of a new military elite that has tempered itself in the armed struggle with the Russian-separatist forces, was engaged in joint exercises, and most importantly, in business cooperation with representatives of the military elites of the West, which have a long tradition Serious interaction with the ruling class. Taking into account that social and political processes in Ukraine can be compared with developing countries, the whole set of contradictory relations between the political and military elite in our country should be directed to the general line of constitutional-legal civil-military relations.

The author considers in this article the problem of definition the characteristics of the non-independent status of Ukraine at the time of the Russian Empire and the USSR as one of the key for the Ukrainian philosophy of history, political science and politics. This problem is extremely important both from a theoretical and a practical point of view. According to the author, Ukraine really had the status of a colony in one form or another, although nominally in the USSR was one of the "sovereign republics". The article outlines the main factors that prevent scholars from unanimously recognizing this status, criticized those areas of Western Postcolonial Studies, where hypertrophied racial factors and the "overseas territories" factor, and, in addition, the Russian Empire is ignored as a colonial state. The part of those researchers, who deny the colonial status of Ukraine in the USSR, emphasize the aggressive nature of Bolshevism and the imperial policy of Moscow, but at the same time they are talking about "occupied Ukraine." For example, the main territory of Ukraine after the collapse of the Russian Empire was occupied by Bolshevik Russia. After the Second World War, when almost all of the Ukrainian lands were united under the USSR, they were given an occupation regime that existed until the 1990s. The author of the article believes that this approach is a simplification of the real situation. The period of occupation in Eastern Ukraine ended in 1921, when the Bolsheviks were forced to make certain concessions to the Ukrainians, and in Western Ukraine - in 1953, shortly after Stalin's death. There has come a long period of colonial exploitation of Ukrainian resources, including human, whose consequences considerably complicate the life of the restored independent Ukrainian state. Decolonization is an incomparably more complex and prolonged process than liberation from occupation and overcoming its consequences.

The real Ukrainian situation connected with creation of projects of the future of the country during all previous years of the newest Ukrainian independence has been analyzed. It is indicated on the process of developing projects of the common future of Ukraine as one of the consolidating community of factors. The emphasis is on the specificity of the formation of joint future projects in the post-colonial (transition) period. This is a characteristic of the four main, according to the author, the projects of the Ukrainian future, which had a public response during the post-Soviet period of Ukraine's development. Among them: 1. Ukraine becomes a full member of the European Union, overcoming the final defects of the postcolonial period of its own existence and becoming a civilized European modern, democratic, independent social state. 2. Ukraine becomes part of the new Kremlin Empire and part of the "Russian world". 3. Ukraine focuses only on its own strength, becomes independent of the East and West and is not part of any more global alliances. 4. Ukraine goes to Europe together with democratic Russia. The article notes the utopia of the project of building a democratic Russia. It is concluded that the desirable short-term future for Ukraine should be its actual entry into the European Union as a full member of this community; joining NATO and victory in the war with the Russian aggressor as a condition for a guaranteed future; the cultural and intellectual prosperity of a country with an effective economy, democratic principles of politics and mass creativity of its citizens-actors of creating a dream-like future and ways to build a European state and nation. Over the projects of the future of Ukraine, we need to work constantly and seriously on all the intellectual forces of the country, in order not to again make all the people victims of others and their own unsuccessful experiments and criminal utopias.

The time limits of the life of one generation are about 25-30 years, so lived in the struggle for building its own state and its armed defence, this time for Ukraine goes down in the history of the first generation of creation and attempts to comply with four military doctrines (1993-2004-2012-2015), in which our own defence course was proclaimed.
The theoretical basis of these official documents of significance were certain paradigms of military-political thinking, according to which Ukraine did not consider it a continuation of politics. The direction and principles of military policy (defence or security policy in European terminology) for modern Ukraine from the mid-20s of the XIX century, as well as 100 years ago, again came to the fore in connection with the implementation of previously abstract concepts " annexation "," occupation "," war ", which allegedly did not exist for our country in recent history. But today they have been embodied or, in the image of Franz Kafka, "reincarnated" into threatening forms of Russia's military practice against our state, the end of which is not yet visible in the near future. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of militarypolitical thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the creation of a "comprehensive defence system" with the integration of all forces of the state and civil society, law enforcement agencies and volunteers, administrative regions and territorial communities.
The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. We will prove that this is a philosophy of military security instead of the previously expressed doctrinal military-political ideas of entrusting a matter of national importance to the forces of the defence sector. The new generation of public life Ukraine will begin with a new paradigm of militarypolitical thinking, the central idea of which is the transition from hopes for the political levers of defence for international cooperation to the creation of a system of comprehensive national security with the synergistic potential of Ukrainianity.

The study's purpose is to critically analyse approaches to international communi- cation in the global environment and clarify the specifics of processes that char- acterize the asymmetry of foreign-policy communication because the contem- porary communication tools allow forming both a positive perception of foreign policy initiatives and a negative attitude of politicians or the world community toward foreign-policy actions. As a result, the research focuses on studying the transformation of the EU foreign-policy communication tools; analysing the practice of foreign-policy communications of Germany and Ukraine; detecting the impact of destructive communications on the image of the EU, Germany, and Ukraine in the international information space. The main conclusions of the research are such statements: the aggravation of Ukrainian-Russian relations has demonstrated an imbalance in the existing for- eign-policy orientations; the EU leaders rethought the political impact of supra- national formation on the contemporary system of international relations; Germany's practice in foreign-policy communication concerns the preservation of the position as a world leader that is able to influence the solution of complex international political and security issues.