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"Der Aufsatz geht auf Basis des Sozioökonomischen Panels dem Zusammenhang von Armut und klassenspezifischen Ungleichheiten nach und schlägt damit eine Brücke zwischen der Armutsforschung und der Sozialstrukturanalyse. Vor dem Hintergrund theoretischer Überlegungen zum Verhältnis von Armut, Zeit und sozialer Ungleichheit wird ein multidimensionaler Armutsindikator entwickelt, der die Dimensionen des Einkommens, der Lebenslagen und der zeitlichen Dauer gleichzeitig erfasst. Die Ergebnisse deuten weder auf eine Verzeitlichung von Armut noch auf eine Spaltung zwischen Inklusion und Exklusion, sondern auf den gestuften Charakter von relativ stabilen Zonen der Armut, der Prekarität und des Wohlstands. Entgegen den Thesen einer sozialen Heterogenität und Entgrenzung der 'Neuen Armut' zeigen die empirischen Analysen zugleich einen strengen Zusammenhang von Armut bzw. Prekarität und sozialer Klassenlage. Dieser Zusammenhang bestätigt sich auch unter Kontrolle vielfältiger sozialer Kontextfaktoren. Im Zentrum der Neuen Armut steht die soziale Benachteiligung der Arbeiterklassen." (Autorenreferat)

The first part describes changes at the bottom of Latin American societies, especially the reduction of the poverty rate, the moderate decline of social inequality as well as the decrease of informal modes of labour. These changes are examined against the background of a strong economic expansion during the last decade. In the second part the recent growth of middle class-sectors in various countries is analyzed. In the last chapter the focus is on the ruling classes, who have come up with new forms of active internationalization. A brief discussion of the political implications of these tendencies concludes the article. Adapted from the source document.

Poverty is currently wide spread in Georgia. This paper is dedicated to an analysis of the causes, the extent and the intensity of poverty in Georgia. With a strong focus on the period after Shevardnadze's presidency, the paper shows how poverty has grown in the past 15 years. In spite of a rising per capita income, the variance within the distribution of income is also increasing. The widening gap between high and low incomes represents a danger for the Georgian society and is associated with high unemployment rates, a lack of education for entire societal strata and rising criminality. In addition, high inflation rates affect mainly low income groups. Apparently, the Rose Revolution of 2003 did not lead to an attenuation of poverty but rather intensified it.

One of the main questions in recent debates on the future of welfare states has been whether globalization or structural economic change will lead to convergence. To answer that question, the liberal welfare state of the United States & the conservative continental European welfare states are related to differences in the respective capitalist economies, using Soskice's distinction of liberal & coordinated market economies. Welfare states are described in terms of their performance in three fields: protection against labor market risks, protection against poverty & reduction of income inequalities. Performance differences remain impressive & can be summarily ascribed to the continuing dominant reliance of US capitalism on the threat of immiseration to induce work performance. While continental European production regimes typically use more positive work incentives, some pressures in European economies, especially the relentless push for income redistribution in favor of the rich & the weakness of unions, increase the probability of convergence. 3 Tables, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.

This contribution endeavors to identify three main interpretative frames forming the discussion about social problems in Mexico: (1) justice frame: poverty & absence of social justice; (2) agency frame: violation of basic civil rights; & (3) identity frame: nonobservance of the right of ethnic-cultural self-determination. The current public debate centers on the human rights situation in the country & the right to autonomy of the indigenous population. This report, prepared during a research stay at the U de las Americas/Puebla, documents the results of a broad qualitative content analysis of print media, totaling 134 articles from La Jornada, La Reforma, & InfoLatina, 1 Jul 2001-31 Jan 2002. Adapted from the source document.

A content analysis of the coverage of poverty in the publications of several private welfare organizations in the Federal Republic of Germany (eg, Caritas) argues that such coverage is a function of strategic & political considerations. Goals include reducing external criticism of members, improving organizations' public image, & promoting contributions/funding. Strategies include defining & framing issues advantageously & negotiating specific relationships with the state. The desire to protect state cooperation typically results in a moderation of political demands, though a trend toward more confrontation is evident in increased criticism of welfare curtailments. It is concluded that welfare organizations may succeed in directing public attention to the problem of poverty, but that, in doing so, they risk propagating a view of the poor as helpless victims & instrumentalizing them to promote organizational interests. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on books by: Henning Melber, Der Weissheit letzter Schluss. Rassismus und kolonialer Blick ([The Whiteness of the Last Conclusion. Racism and the Colonial Perspective] Frankfurt: Brandes & Apsei, 1992); Siegfried Jager, BrandSatze. Rassismus im Alltag ([Firesetting. Racism in Everyday Life] Duisburg: DISS, 1992); Sigrid Baringhorst, Fremde in der Stadt. Multikulturelle Minderheitenpolitik, dargestellt am Beispiel der nordenglischen Stadt Bradford ([Stranger in the City: Multicultural Minority Politics, Illustrated by the Northern English City of Bradford] Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1991); Christian J. Jaggi, Rassismus. Ein globales Problem ([Racism. A Global Problem] Zurich u Koln: Orell Fussli, 1992); & Eckhard J. Dittrich, Das Weltbild des Rassismus ([The Worldview of Racism] Frankfurt: Cooperative-Verlag, 1991 [see listings in IRPS No. 84]). Melber concentrates on the historical origins of the colonial perspective & the worldwide domination of concepts of development & progress; social Darwinism & Germany's colonial activities in Africa are covered. Jager uses interviews & discourse analysis to expose forms of racism in everyday German life. He emphasizes the racist attitudes not of right-wing extremists but of "normal citizens" & institutions. Baringhorst analyzes John Rex's concept of multiculturalism using the example of the English city of Bradford. Local politics, the lifeworld of Bradford's ethnic minorities, & conflicts over education are highlighted. Jaggi gives a global overview of racism, covering structural racism in Latin America, connections between racism & poverty in the US, ideological racism in South Africa, religion & racism in the formerly communist states, psuedoscientific apologies for racism, & strategies to combat racism. Dittrich analyzes the inner logic of the racist worldview & sketches a social scientific explanatory model based on integration research. E. Blackwell

An explorative study investigated the condition of the US environmental movement in the early 1990s through qualitative interviews with representatives from 6 environmental protection organizations (EPOs): Citizens Clearinghouse for Hazardous Wastes, Environmental Defense Fund, Greenpeace USA, National Audobon Society, Natural Resources Defense Council, & World Wide Fund for Nature. A brief history & description of each is provided. Many respondents described their groups as in a period of transition or redefinition in response to political setbacks. Analysis of the interviews finds 6 general currents defined by style/strategy: (1) implementers who pursue concrete projects; (2) accommodaters who combine economic & environmental concerns & use cooperation rather than confrontation; (3) mainstream advocates who use various legal & political instruments; (4) radicals who engage in fundamental critique; (5) activists; & (6) grass-roots organizers. Most organizations combine several styles. Several are expanding their issues & constituencies by linking environmental issues with those of gender, race, poverty, democratization, & accountability in holistic environmental politics that includes the environmental justice movement. Challenges for EPOs include achieving tangible results & self-democracy. 14 References. E. Blackwell