Search results

The article focuses on Pakistan and its divided society, and on its decades of characteristic irresponsible and unaccountable leaderships. It argues that a culture of mistrust and poor governance has facilitated fluid civil and civil-military alliances which have in turn legitimised praetorianism by either giving rise to inter-ethnic clashes and formentation of ethnic and sectarian violence, or formidable multi-ethnic opposition to civilian governments. These outcomes have consequently increased the utility of coercion and the saliency of praetorianism. (DSE)

This study explores the varieties of civilian praetorianism or the different ways in which civilians enable and support military coups. It specifically argues that by shaping their access to different sets of resources, civilians' proximity to the political establishment and their level of social capital influence their method of support. Civilians linked to the political establishment wield resources better suited for enabling praetorianism through tactics like initiating or plotting coup conspiracies with military officers. Conversely, civilians with high levels of social capital hold resources valuable for consolidating praetorianism through tactics like providing post-coup support and neutralizing anti-coup opposition. Qualitative evidence from three coup episodes in Sudan demonstrates the argument's plausibility. By explaining the important variation in civilian capabilities and resources, this study advances research on civilian coup involvement, which—although understudied—is critical to understanding coup politics.

Prepared under the auspices of the Center for international studies, Princeton university.

Session 3: Military & Constitutional Politics in Sea - Slot 4 ; The Conference program & abstracts' website is located at http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&frm=1&source=web&cd=4&ved=0CEoQFjAD&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.euroseas.org%2Fplatform%2Ffiles%2Ffile%2FProceedings.pdf&ei=2xfOUuOCJ9GXiAeRl4DYCQ&usg=AFQjCNFMK7mKfnD7lGQTpv2ob5LHLik2rw&bvm=bv.59026428,d.aGc ; This paper explores the evolving political role of the Myanmar armed forces since the adoption of the 2008 Constitution and the subsequent military/civil transition engaged in 2011. It moves beyond transition and democratization studies and rediscovers theories of the "praetorian state" to apply them to the post-junta constitutional politics in Myanmar. Armed forces in transitional polities, the literature on praetorianism informs us, still aim to keep an eye on policymaking – mostly thanks to military-sanctioned Constitutions or through more subtle ways of political, social and corporate intervention. This paper therefore demonstrates how the Myanmar army still enjoys in a post-SPDC context the legal instruments, networks and political leverage to intrude as a "praetorian ruler" into state affairs, notably through the provisions of the 2008 Constitution. It argues that, instead of a direct military rule (as observed until 2011), "praetorian" practices will be rediscovered in the 2010s thanks to the constitutional prerogatives the Myanmar military institution has secured after a decade-long Constitution-drafting process. Indeed, whilst keeping vested interests in the newly formed post-junta and civilian-led executive and legislative powers, the Myanmar army seems however willing to now stay away from day-to-day politics. Gradually tolerating a greater policy role for civilians, it will nonetheless continue to shape, through various types of praetorian interventions, Myanmar's foreign and domestic policies, as well as influence future reforms. ; postprint