As opposed to philosophy, theology and natural sciences, for which only the singular Man exists, for political theory the decisive fact is the plurality of men. Politics is preoccupied with common and mutual being of different men. It is created among men and established as their connectedness. Freedom exists only in the authentic interspace of politics. We are saved from that freedom in the "necessity of history", which is a revolting absurdity. When one wishes in our time to speak about politics, one must start with the prejudice towards it. The prejudice accurately reflect the truly existing contemporary situation precisely in its political aspects, and suggest that we have ended up in a situation in which we do not quite or do not yet know how to move politically. The prejudice towards politics are manifest in the notion that national politics is made up of lies and deception by corrupt interests and corrupt ideology, while foreign politics hovers between hollow propaganda and brute force. This causes a flight into powerlessness, a desperate desire for men in general to be deprived of the freedom to act. Politics is, always and everywhere, preoccupied with illuminating and dissolving prejudice. If one wishes to dissolve prejudice, one must first discover the past judgment contained therein, i.e. actually show their contents of truth. This is the task of the faculty of judgment, but not as mere capability to subject the individual regularly and adequately to the general that corresponds to it and regarding which there is agreement, but as judgment directly and with no standard. The loss of standard, which truly determines the modern world in its facticity and cannot be annulled by any return to the good, old tradition or any arbitrary setting up of new values and standards, is therefore a catastrophe of the moral world only if one presupposes that men would in fact be completely unable to judge things in and of themselves, and that their faculty of judgment is insufficient for original judgment. Politics is always centered on care for the world organized in this or some different way, without which those who care and who are political, think that life is not worth living. Where men come together, the world always breaks through between them, and all human actions take place in this interspace. Adapted from the source document.
U radu je prikazan odnos prema djeci s teškoćama u razvoju od početka ljudske zajednice do danas. Odnosi društvene zajednice prema djeci s teškoćama u razvoju ograničavani su i obilježavani različitim karakteristikama društva u određenim povijesnim događanjima. Ekonomska i politička zbivanja snažno su utjecale na segregaciju djece s teškoćama u razvoju. Segregirajući odnos i predrasude prema osobama s invaliditetom, a posebno prema djeci s teškoćama u razvoju trajala su tisućama godina. Povijesne činjenice pokazuju da se nuđenjem većih mjera socijalne zaštite i nametanjem pasivizacije osobama s invaliditetom i djeci s teškoćama u razvoju smanjuju mogućnost društvene rehabilitacije. U nekim drugim razdobljima, posebno nakon različitih pošasti i ratnih razaranja, odnos društva prema marginaliziranim članovima mijenjao se, otvarajući im prostor uključivanja u rad i obrazovanje. U radu je prikazano kako su spomenute politike i filozofski pravci utjecali su na stvaranje vrijednosti i uvjerenja šire društvene zajednice prema djeci s teškoćama u razvoju. Danas, za ostvarivanje odgoja i obrazovanja u inkluzivnom društvu, samo zakonodavstvo koje je izrazito važno i jasno, ipak je nedovoljno bez principa prilagođenih odgoju i obrazovanju svake zajednice. ; The paper describes the attitude towards children with disabilities from the beginning of human society to this day. Terms of community relations towards children with disabilities are constrained and marked with different social circumstances and historical events. Economic and political developments have strongly influenced for segregation children with disabilities. Segregated attitude and prejudice against people with disabilities, especially towards children with disabilities have lasted thousands of years. Historical facts show that by offering greater social protection measures and the imposition of passivity people with disabilities and children with disabilities reduces the possibility of their social rehabilitation. In other periods, especially after the scourge of war, disease and natural disasters, social attitudes towards marginalized changed by opening their premises involvement in work and education. Mentioned politics and philosophical lines influenced on the creation of values and beliefs towards children with disabilities in different historical periods. Today, for the realization of education in an inclusive society except the legislation, who is extremely important and clearly, still is not enough without the principle of customized education of each community.
"Kristalna noć" najčešće se povezuje s nacističkim uništavanjem židovske imovine 1938., ali u kontekstu rata u Hrvatskoj neki taj pojam koriste i za uništavanje srpske imovine u Zadru i njegovoj okolici 2. svibnja 1991. Dok se u većini hrvatske javnosti taj događaj ignorira, dio javnosti interpretira ga kao početak progona srpskoga stanovništva u organizaciji Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, zadarskih općinskih vlasti te hrvatske policije. Takav stav uglavnom je posljedica medijskih manipulacija i nema uporište u činjenicama. Premda se dio povjesničara u svojim znanstvenim radovima dotaknuo zbivanja u Zadru početkom svibnja 1991., zadarska "kristalna noć" uglavnom je ostala historiografski neistražena. Rad se temelji na neobjavljenim arhivskim izvorima Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova Republike Hrvatske, Jugoslavenske narodne armije, tisku i relevantnoj literaturi. ; On 2 May 1991, Serbian property in Zadar and its surrounding area came under attack. The attacks took place after months of tensions between Croats and Serbs, and later became known as the 'Night of Broken Glass'. These tensions were the direct consequence of the Serbian armed rebellion that erupted in northern Dalmatia, Lika, and the hinterland of Zadar in August 1991. The public security system that met the rebellion was created in January 1990, when the Secretariat of the Interior for the area of the Benkovac, Biograd na Moru, Obrovac, Pag, and Zadar municipalities was established in Zadar. In this area, Croats were an absolute majority in the Biograd na Moru and Zadar municipalities, and the Serbs in the Benkovac and Obrovac municipalities. The rebellion prompted divisions not only among the population, but also among the police. By January 1991, most policemen of Serbian nationality had left the Zadar police force and joined the rebels. Despite being weakened in terms of manpower, the Zadar police for the most part managed to successfully preserve public safety. The security situation worsened after a skirmish between Croatian police and rebel Serbs at the Plitvice Lakes on 31 March 1991. A significant increase in shootings, setting of bombs, road blockades, and other forms of criminal activity, mostly nationally motivated, was recorded. In addition to the rebel Serbs, the instability was caused by the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), which deployed its forces in Zadar's hinterland in early April 1991, causing alarm among the Croatian population. This deployment was part of a broader plan through which the YPA sought to set up a 'buffer zone' in order to close off the areas held by rebel Serbs and prevent the Croatian police from interfering. On 2 May 1991, the security situation throughout Croatia, and therefore in the area under the jurisdiction of the Zadar police, collapsed. Serb rebels killed 12 Croatian policemen in Borovo Selo near Vukovar, and severely wounded Zadar policeman Franko Lisica in Polača near Biograd na Moru; he soon died of his wounds. Despite the Croatian authorities' calls for peace, spontaneous unrest erupted throughout Croatia, and Serbian property and companies were attacked. Furthermore, there were incidents involving the YPA. The mood of the Croatian population in Zadar after the murder of the policeman Lisica was similar to that in other parts of Croatia. Despite the municipal authorities' calls for peace and their organising of a peaceful protest march, various uncoordinated groups demolished and plundered Serbian property on 2 May. The Zadar police failed to stop them because most of the policemen were engaged in the area affected by the Serb rebellion, while others were busy protecting the residential buildings in Zadar in which members of the YPA and their families resided. Soon, due to a feeling of insecurity, a mass exodus of Serbs from Zadar took place; these Serbs took refuge in the areas occupied by the rebels. Apart from the Zadar Serbs, Croats in the areas held by Serb rebels also began to leave their homes in early May 1991. On 1 May 1991, rebel Serbs drove many Croats from the areas around Knin. On the night of 6 to 7 May, as an act of revenge for the events in Zadar, the property of Croats, Albanians, and Croatian companies was attacked and plundered. Different sources give different data regarding the extent of the damage caused to Serbian property. Criminal charges raised by the Croatian police against unknown perpetrators on 2 May 1991 mention that 175 catering establishments, commercial premises, stands, kiosks, and automobiles were damaged. Apart from the property of Serbs, property belonging to Croats, Muslims, Roma, and Croatian companies was also damaged. There are numerous prejudices and controversies regarding the 'Night of Broken Glass', which mostly ignore the then security-political context. Certainly, there were those among the Croats who did not consider the attacks on Serbian property and their exodus from Zadar as anything controversial, but available sources clearly point towards the conclusion that the destruction of Serbian property was not organised and was not a part of the policy of the Croatian leadership.
