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The article highlights the trend of reinstitutionalisation of propaganda and counter propaganda after a brief historical era of international hiatus in the 1990s when the propaganda-related institutions were dismantled in many countries worldwide. The latter trend is exemplified by a number of processes, including the phenomenon of the Russian propaganda that has evolved after Putin took office, and the emergence of the strategic communications offices in Europe starting from 2015. The revival of propaganda 2.0 is a result of the hybrid wars that have engulfed leading countries worldwide. Propaganda is a systematic effort to manipulate other people's beliefs and spread chaos. Although the current propaganda aims resemble the ones used during the Cold War, the new tech abilities have enhanced its tactics. While the Internet, digitalization and social media platforms offer new opportunities for secret services and relevant experts, the phenomenon of "open consсiousness" allows an average consumer to be unwillingly affected by the messages that contain propaganda. It is argued that counter-propaganda tools should factor in media literacy efforts and building resilience among the general population to withstand disinformation messages. A number of organizations focused at countering propaganda has been created as a means of an institutional solution. Following a watershed moment in Ukraine two relevant organizations were established in 2021: Centre for Countering Disinformation (as part of the National Security and Defense Council) and Centre of Strategic Communications and Information Security (as part of the Ministry of Culture and Information Politics). These organizations aim at carrying out relevant work in line with their EU counterparts.

The territorial integrity of Ukraine and peace on its lands, preservation of state sovereignty are the main tasks of the Ukrainian government, society, and all Ukrainians. As for as today the real threats from the Russian Federation remain, the Kremlin's aggressive policy in the hybrid war against our state is aimed at returning Ukraine to the sphere of Russia's influence. For doing this the Russian Federation is using methods that destabilize the internal situation in Ukraine, first of all, it depletes the Ukrainian economy, uses a powerful propaganda arsenal to distort Ukrainian national values and national culture, and misleads the allies of the Ukrainian state. A large-scale propaganda campaign against our country in certain areas of the Ukrainian state made it possible to perceive events in Ukraine through the prism of the views of politicians, scientists and artists of the Russian Federation. In such a situation, it is possible to confront Russian aggression only by using a complex of military, political, economic, informational and socio-humanitarian actions. In these conditions, culture and art are becoming an important means of solving complex social conflicts. Modern technological development has created a wide field for cultural and artistic influences, which has the opportunity to play a stabilizing role in the state. The through the influence on social consciousness can achieve important results in creating of certain ideas, values, spiritual needs as well as stereotypes and patriotic ideals. Such special way of influence on social conscious is art. The art represents significant and value dimension of the national being of the Ukrainians, gives a vision of historical being of the Ukrainian national, reflects spiritual links between a personality and the national, spiritual unity and succession of generation; both imaginative-symbolic and significant attributes of the national values and ideals are characteristic of it. Therefore, the question of restoration of peace, consolidation of Ukrainians, de-occupation of Ukrainian territories is considered in the context of conducting various cultural state measures, in particular artistic ones. That is why such purposeful usage of art in modern conditions the can be a powerful factor of consolidation of Ukrainians.

The article is devoted to one of the most important problems of national self-affirmation of Ukrainians in the modern world - the problem of restoration / purification and completion of historical memory. The author shows that the Soviet and current Russian authorities created and constantly developed mechanisms for planting socio-historical mythology with the help of a powerful propaganda machine and repressive apparatus. This mythology replaced real historical memory, putting in its place false historical memory. This was especially true of the so-called "National republics" of the USSR, which were planted not only totalitarian but also colonial social mythology. This mythology is one of the effective tools of Russia's "hybrid war" against Ukraine and against all democracies in the post-Soviet space.
The author outlines the development of theoretical ideas about historical (social) memory during the XX-XXI centuries. The article outlines the main conceptual models of such memory, which were created by Western researchers. A critical analysis of these concepts shows that they do not take into account the consequences of the totalitarian distortion of such memory and in fact equate the impact on historical memory carried out in modern democratic and totalitarian and neo-totalitarian societies. The author points out the need to distinguish between such influences and refers to those Ukrainian thinkers who in the 1960s and 1970s spoke about the specifics of totalitarian propaganda and political practice in the formation of false historical memory.
The conclusion of the article is that it is necessary to displace the socio-historical mythology of classical totalitarianism and its latest Russian forms, deconstruction and destruction of the false historical memory created by all totalitarian regimes of the past and present. The question of effective methods and forms of building and rebuilding historical memory is worth discussing.

The author argues that the necessity to own Ukrainian territory has remained an important factor for the imperial power of Russia. During the independence period, Russia has exerted considerable humanitarian, political, and information pressure on Ukraine to keep it in the sphere of its own influence and to discredit it in the eyes of other states. The article analyzes the characteristic features of the new type of warfare - a so-called "hybrid war". This type of confrontation is typical of the post-industrial society. The author concludes that all instruments of the hybrid warfare - information weapon, participation in the competition of non-state actors, the use of terrorist methods, the use of methods for economic and psychological pressure and propaganda - were used by Russia against Ukraine. These circumstances brought Ukraine to the boundary situation. The humanitarian aggression is aimed at the continuation of the colonial dependence of Ukrainians, splitting Ukraine into regions. The "hybrid warfare" uses methods of the unofficial influence on the government of Ukraine, economic blackmail, and destruction of the country's positive image in the foreign-policy relations. Modern occupation models are based not only on military actions; they effectively use information space. The aggression is performed through the hostile propaganda, "war of ideas", and creation of simulacra in the context of fighting for human minds. Among the new methods of influence are cyber attacks, which threaten the systematic operation of many establishments. It is necessary to develop a strategy for liberation from the colonial dependence of Ukraine and establishing a Ukrainian-centered position. This factor could change our future as a political player. It is important to track threats in different spheres of life and develop means of contradiction - namely, protection of the Ukrainian language and our own information space; removal of oligarchs from power; defending national interests and preserving our independence.

The article analyzes citizenship as a value system of a person (interests, principles, beliefs, ideas), which are the motives of his or her activism. Traditionally, this phenomenon has been studied through the connection of the individual with the social community, where activity is a systemic social quality, and public interests dominate over the individual. Another approach considers activity as an opportunity for a person to realize his or her interests and needs, combining individualism with various forms of solidarity and mutual assistance. This constructive view is consistent with the principles of subsidiary democracy and expands the field of civic participation.
Activity is defined as a system of human value orientations that motivate it to conscious actions aimed to the implementation of cultural, social, political and civic values, with a reasonable ratio of personal and social. In the information society, new forms of activity took shape, namely: discussions and propaganda of one's own position in social networks, mobilization of participation. Public associations form a sense of trust, solidarity, social responsibility, civic patriotism, and contribute to the accumulation of social capital. In connection with the processes of decentralization, the issue of participation in urban communities is of particular relevance, as cities create the country's economic and cultural power.
The results of a sociological study in the city of Melitopol indicate that the national-patriotic, environmental, charitable and volunteer organizations are the most significant for its residents. At the same time, the majority of respondents take part in their activities situationally, but consciously and voluntarily, which is consistent with national trends. The city has a certain resource of civic participation, which can help to increase its social capital.

The article is devoted to outlining and exploring a number of important stories of the history and present situation of the Crimea. The author turns to the study of Russian colonial policy on the peninsula. This policy resulted in the annihilation of the Crimean Tatar people and the deliberate settlement of Crimea by specific categories of population from "mainland" Russia, and subsequently - from Soviet Ukraine. The colonial pressure of the tsarist authorities was changed after 1917 for a short period with the assertion of Crimean Tatar national communism as a modernizing anti-colonial movement. However, from the second half of the 1930s, colonial policy on the peninsula resumed, and in 1944 it became embodied in the forced deportation of indigenous peoples, especially the Crimean Tatars. Up until the second half of the 1980s, the Kremlin tried not to allow the Crimean Tatars to return to their historical homeland at all. Only at the time of perestroika the authorities of the USSR agreed to allow such a return, but simultaneously tried to dispense it in every possible way. At the same time, the Kremlin launched a special operation aimed at removing Crimea from Ukrainian jurisdiction and securing its status as a Russian colony. Also this attempt failed because of the collapse of the USSR, but the goal remained unchanged; Russia's annexation of Crimea was carried out in 2014. The author analyzes the reasons that enable the Russian propaganda to influence a large part of the Crimean population effectively. The article illustrates the ineffective policy of official Kyiv to minimize the effects of Russian colonialism on the Crimean Peninsula in 1991-2014. The article also examines the newest stage of colonization of Crimea by Russia, which began in 2014. The author concludes that in recent years, new conflicting factors on the Crimean peninsula have been added to the traditional ones, and they all require further special studies.

The topicality of the article is motivated by the present situation of Ukraine under conditions of Russian military and information aggression and of the active spread in the information space of the aggressive concept of the "Russian world". The purpose of the article is to investigate the causes and essence of conflict processes in Ukrainian Orthodoxy, in particular, to analyze the role of the Russian centralism in them in the past and in contemporary realities. It is determined that the causes of conflicts in the sphere of Ukrainian Orthodoxy aч re largely related to the act of ecclesiastical submission to the Moscow Patriarchate in 1686. The situation of Ukraine under conditions of Russian military and informational aggression, in which the church matters also played an important role, refer to the exploration of Russian centralism as a conflict factor for Ukrainian Orthodoxy. The actual character of the issue is also determined by the modern planting in the information space of the aggressive theory of the "Russian world" as well as the necessity to find the ways for consolidation of the Ukrainian society, in particular in the sphere of interconfessional relations. In order to weaken the opposition of the Ukrainian ecclesiastical superiors to imperial centralism, the Russian government deliberately resorted to incitement between the secular and the ecclesiastical elites. Such measures were taken by Empress Anna Ioanovna, who ordered Prince Oleksii Shakhovskyi, the ruler of Little Russia at that time to persuade the Cossack elders secretly to protest against the giving of land possession to the Church. In the same way the Empress Catherine II acted and consciously orientated the ruler of the Little Russia Earl Piotr Rumiantsev to support conflicts between the Ukrainian nobility and clergy according to the principle "divide et impera" (divide and rule). Contemporary Russian information aggression has revealed various forms of propaganda in Ukrainian society, one of which is the project of the "Russian world". A major point in overcoming the influence of the Russian neoimperial factor in Ukrainian society as well as the contemporary conflicts on the level of Ukrainian Orthodoxy is the development of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine founded a result of the age-old aspirations of Ukrainian society for church unity. The important steps for strengthening if the church unity were outlined by the Bishops' Council of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine convened on December 14, 2019.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Ukrainian diaspora organizations ethnocultural activity peculiarities in the Russian Federation (RF), the beginning of which is connected with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the proclamation of Ukraine"s independence (1991). The author connects their appearance with the growth of national consciousness, which was based on the idea of Ukraine"s independence. This idea has always been perceived extremely negatively and cautiously by the ruling class of Russia, as well as by a significant number of Russians, at all times when Ukrainians were under the imperial roof.
Even in the conditions of the total crisis at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, when the systemic disintegration of the USSR began, the Communist Party leadership constantly kept the "Ukrainian question" in view. This is confirmed, in particular, by the termination in 1989 of the magazine "Ukrainian Question", the publication of which was organized by the Moscow branch of the "Ukrainian Helsinki Union".
A similar fate befell a number of other Ukrainian communities already in modern Russia. Among them are the two largest all-Russian diaspora organizations of Ukrainians in Russia: the Union of Ukrainians of Russia (ESD) and the Federal National-Cultural Autonomy "Ukrainians of Russia" (FNKAUR). The analysis below shows that their activities were carried out in accordance with Russian legislation, in particular the Federal Law of Russia "On National and Cultural Autonomy" and was aimed at organizing and conducting ethnocultural work among Ukrainians. However, Putin's leadership found "evidence of political activity" from both ESD and FNKAUR and banned their activities by court order.
In fact, the main reasons for the author's cessation are the independence policy of modern Ukraine and the leaders of Ukrainian diasporas, their "disobedience" to pursue Russia's state imperial policy among Ukrainians, and their unwillingness to ignore the ethnocultural needs of Ukrainians.
Currently, there is no all-Russian organization of Ukrainians in Russia. Activists of the Ukrainian diaspora have repeatedly, and since 2014, tried to register at least one of them, but they are constantly denied on the grounds that they will allegedly "glorify Bandera" and negatively affect Ukrainian-Russian relations. In fact, the reason is different, namely, in the traditional imperialism not only of Russia's ruling class, but also of a significant number of Russians who do not see a Russian neo-empire without Ukraine. This Russian propaganda cliché penetrated deeply not only into the consciousness of Russians, but also distorted the national consciousness of a significant number of Ukrainians in Russia, who cease to identify themselves as Ukrainians. The article emphasizes that the deidentification of our compatriots is based on persecution, harassment, contempt, not only the Kremlin authorities, but also a significant number of Russians towards Ukrainians in Russia.

An activity of the Ukrainian Workers and Peasants Union (UWPU) headed by Levko Lukyanenko in West Ukraine at the end of the 1950s to the beginning of the 1960s was a manifestation of the struggle for independence of Ukraine. Contemporary historiography studies the UWPU's activity in the context of looking for new forms and methods of the political resistance to the Soviet system in West Ukraine without using the ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. The result of the struggle depended on the ability to consolidate a whole society by the leaders of the national liberation movement. In the article we shall study the ideas about unity of the Ukrainian society and potential factors of its consolidation in the program documents of the UWPU. A task in hand of the UWPU was "to unmask before workers and peasants an irreconcilable opposite of their interests and the interests of the bureaucratic officialdom as well to compel the direction to comply in the sphere of increasing freedoms of people. Nevertheless an addition complication in the UWPU's propaganda in West Ukraine was Lykyanenko's and Kandyba's, the leading members' belonging to the system of the Soviet justice which was a part of the party and state structure and estranged deeply from people. The UWPU proclaimed a start of a new stage of struggle for the independence of Ukraine by the most conscientious workers and peasants which are united all over Ukraine and do not communicate with each other. The struggle of the UWPU for Ukraine's secession from the USSR should be peaceful and according to the Soviet constitution on the tactic and ideological grounds. The UWPU has thought that the idea of the independent Ukraine is only one possible idea which could unite the whole Ukrainian people, exploited by the Russian Soviet colonialist polotics workers and peasants deprived of their rights. The programme of the Union opposed the whole Ukrainian people to the Ukrainian Communists, the representatives of the party and state officialdom, as obedient representatives of the colonial administration. The members of the UWPU, high-principled Marxists, proclaimed their unstinting support the struggle of the Ukrainian Uprising Army for the independence of Ukraine and blamed an armed repression by the Soviet state the Ukrainian underground in West Ukraine. Taking into account the Ukrainian people changed during centuries of slavery and a social oppression the UWPU's programme does not only presume to challenge the presence of the protest potential of the Ukrainian people but also affirms that in time the Ukrainian people's aspiration to independence develops widely and its struggle for the independence becomes fiercer. The UWPU suggests to campaign among workers and peasants for the uniting the whole Ukrainian people for the struggle for Ukrainian state independency, as well to win representatives of other nationalities which live in Ukraine, and fight for general democratization of the state structure in the USSR