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As the medium of democracy, the Public is a communicational trace of the missing Collective Sovereign: the People or Demos. In political life, we often refer to the People, but in reality the People does not make a community. It is instead a notion, a missing Sovereign, the one who exists as concept but does not speak for oneself. The community is yet to be established, and this can be done only by communication. The aim of such communication is to formulate norms, rules and principles which are to be implemented or encouraged in public life. On a more normative level, this can be done in the process of writing a Constitution. The other objective is to discuss the concept of public good. This is left to communicational functions of the Public. The concept of the Public is left to citizens, who communicate with other citizens, and thus create public opinion. By doing that, the Public is here to remind the government that somebody else is to be Sovereign, i.e. that there is also the People. The Public is thus a substitute for the "missing Sovereign". There can be no Democracy without this role of the Public. Adapted from the source document.

The author discusses the basic structure of Mancur Olson's political economy. He highlights three concepts on which it is based: public goods, interest groups, & selective incentives. The last concept represents Olson's innovation in contemporary political science. The author's central methodical assumption is based on the insight that Olson's key theory is linked with the so-called public goods paradox. Unlike private goods, public goods are noncompetitive & nonexclusive, which means that it is not possible to bar those who do not share the costs of their production from using them. On the basis of this, Olson has developed the original theory of interest groups. By looking into the costs of organizing along interest lines as a collective activity whose result is a public good, he distinguishes between large, heterogeneous, & small, homogeneous groups. Besides, he has shown that, regarding public goods, individuals tend to behave as free riders, defaulters who try to avoid the costs of securing these goods. The author shows that Olson has, notwithstanding certain flimsiness of his reductionist methodology, significantly revamped political science. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the relationship between political parties & the public good. He begins by asking whether it is legally possible to compel parties to work for the public good. It seems it is not, since in democracy there are no criteria that might a priori be established as the binding norms. The public good, namely, depends on the fundamental constitutional solutions & the general political culture. In line with this, the author goes on to depict the model of the monarchical state. According to this model, the public interest may be derived "from above" ie, the public interest is a result of the emanations of the "exalted" state authority. In modern democracy, however, it is not possible to shape the general will without parties, organizations more committed to their own interests than those of their political community on the whole. In a way, parties represent a danger for this democracy & the entire political community. The author asks how, if at all, we can resolve this dilemma. Referring to Scheuner, Hesse, Emke, Habermas, & Haberle, the author finds the answer in the postulate that the promotion of the public interest cannot be left solely to the state, but that all members of a political community should get involved. Parties in the contemporary pluralist culture ought to become aware that their primary task is the public good that is not in the function of party life. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is the assumption that the public is essentially political & also indispensable for democratic polity. After a brief analysis of the notions related to the concept of the public in different traditions, the author offers three essential elements for its formation: the liberal freedoms as a prerequisite of public life, the unseverable link between the public & democracy, & the legitimation & the control of power by means of the public. The public has a decisive role in all the functions of the state by ensuring three things: the legislature aspires to the public good, the public controls the parliament & government, & the court decisions are overt. In contemporary society the public sphere is safeguarded by parties, associations, trade unions, electronic media & the press in the sense that they prevent the parties in power to lead arcane politics. In the end, the author champions the idea of a proper distinction between the private & the public sphere, since the total public would mean the death of freedom-loving democracy. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the possible impact of globalization & decentralization on the future role of public spending in Croatia. In the first part, the author describes the elements of government intervention in the economic process during the 20th century & the theoretical origin of public goods as a resource that the market is incapable of efficiently providing. Then, the characteristics of the process of globalization & decentralization (localization) are listed. These are the two simultaneous processes whose intensification leads to the reduction of the regulative role of the nation-state & public spending. Discussed in conclusion are the structure of public spending in Croatia, & the possible impact of the two processes on its structure & volume. 6 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the ambivalence of liberalism regarding political & economic freedoms. While classical liberals advocated individual freedom vs the aristocratic state, modern liberals advocate the controlled rule of the majority by means of the state & the law. Since their original idea of the freedom of private ownership led to the creation of boundless wealth, they have sought ways of limiting state ownership & establishing an intermediate category of ownership. However, the advocacy of intermediate ownership & intermediate state does not suffice for a success at the polls, so liberals have adopted the conservative concept of the protection of public good from the fury of private interests. Today's marginalization of liberal parties has not prevented liberal ideas to penetrate into the programs of all democratic parties. Hence, liberalism has become more of a cultural achievement & less of a viable political option. Adapted from the source document.

Zdravko Petak's Javna dobra i politicko odlucivanje ([The Public Good and Political Decision Making] Zagreb: Biblioteka Politicka misao, 2001) is discussed. Petak's criticism of the Keynesian thesis that state intervention into free market economy is both necessary & effective to ensure the public well-being of the citizens is examined. Petak applies the theory of public choice to debunk this view & argues that the state is (1) unable to act on economically efficacious precepts & (2) not a higher-rank, external, & objective actor capable of regulating economic processes outside the basic human instincts & behaviors that underlie the functioning of private markets. The origin & evolution of the public choice theory are outlined, & the universal postulates of egoism (self-interest), rationality, & maximization governing human behavior are described. It is concluded that Petak's rebuttal of the arguments advanced by proponents of state intervention into the national economy is convincing, however, he fails to formulate a viable alternative. Also, he does not address several related issues seen to provide subject matter for a future book. Z. Dubiel

Gojka Bezovan's (2005) definition of Company Social Responsibility (CSR) is quoted, & Scott M. Cutlip's et al (2000) research of CSR in the US is briefly discussed, pointing out the importance of positive social image in conducting business activities & noting the billions of dollars spent on CSR in that country. The crucial role played by mass media in communicating businesses' CSR to the public is recognized, & Croatian print media are surveyed to determine how much attention & space they devote to CSR. A study by the firm MediaNet is summarized, examining, in a quantitative analysis, the number of newspaper articles devoted to CSR & reporting on the distribution of CSR actions across various domains of public interest (eg, the development of human resources, environmental protection, charitable donations, etcetera). It is found that CSR is not one of the dominant themes for Croatian newspaper editors & journalists, as editorials & news features on CSR represent only a negligible portion of journalistic texts. It is concluded that Croatian journalists are eager to emulate their Western colleagues in all the vices the profession is accused of -- sensationalism, fact distortion, & disregard of personal privacy -- but not in the virtues of serving the public good. Figures, References. Z. Dubiel

The main proposition of this paper is that the Croatian legal framework for higher education fails to meet the criteria of the internal market of the EU. In the first part, the author draws a distinction between education as public good and education as service, and explains how EU law affects the regulatory autonomy of the Member States in the area of higher education. In the second part, the author analyses hitherto identified barriers to the exercise of market freedoms created by national legal frameworks of higher education. The third part discusses the Croatian legal framework and tests it against EU standards. The author concludes that deficiencies of Croatian higher education law are partly caused by the ignorance of policy makers and partly by the structural weakness of the negotiating process, where chapters are negotiated independently from one another and focused on formal fulfilment of benchmarks. Adapted from the source document.

Being of the theoretical approaches to the study of the EU, the goal of the analysis of policy networks is to identify the policy process actors, both governmental & non-governmental, & the structure of their interaction in order to describe, explain & predict the outcomes of the European public policy. Many authors claim that the exceptionally rapid development of this approach in the last thirty years (& its intensive EU application since the 1990s) can be attributed to the changes in the contemporary practice of governance. Namely, although public policy is above all related to the accountability of authorities in securing public goods, the tasks are increasingly allocated to a growing number of non-governmental actors, especially in the EU. In its analysis of policy networks the paper offers the typology of the actors & an array of the concepts which define the structuring of their interaction (in the policy literature the term policy network is used generically & also when referring to the EU). It also outlines the continuum of the types of EU policy networks which as independent variable affect the outcomes of the European public policy. The paper identifies which approach within the analysis of policy networks the application to the EU belongs to. In the EU research policy networks are understood as an instrument of the policy analysis that explains the decisions shaping public policy at the subsystem level of decision-making, which makes it necessary to combine it with other theoretical approaches for the other levels of decision-making, which makes it necessary to combine it with other theoretical approaches for the other levels of decision-making & for the other types of decisions to grasp the entirety of the manner in which public policy in the EU is shaped. The policy network analysis contributes most to improving the understanding of everyday events in the process of creating European public policy, the events the change the environment in which key decisions are made as well as the actors' perceptions of their own interests. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the emergence of the modern state in Latin Europe, its spread into other parts of the world, its crisis, & its future prospects. In Europe, the conflict between the church & the state was central for the evolution of the state. The Latin Church inherited the politically significant legacy of antiquity, especially of the Roman Empire. This legacy includes the territorial principle, the idea of service in the interest of the public good, the rule of law & not individuals, & the idea of discipline or voluntary obedience. Also included is the concept of total control of owners over their property. The modern state emerged as a warrior state; however, it soon became clear that it needed emotional mobilization. In many cases religious identity represented a pre-phase of national identity. This meant that the modern state was a system of faith. The Enlightenment fostered the growth of the state, but also contributed to its downfall, since those who know how the state functions cease to have faith in it. The author concludes that the state will remain, but in a decentralized & pluralist form. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the advantages & disadvantages of the modern system of public communication & the possibilities of its revamping. In this context he analyzes the consequences of the emergence & the impact of public relations as a skill whose goal is to establish & maintain good relationships between the subject & the publics surrounding it. He also underlines the positive effects of public relations regarding the democratization & the professionalization of the entire process of public communication. This role of public relations is particularly obvious in increasing understanding between groups & organizations, in communication management & in coordinating the private & the public principles of action. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the advantages & disadvantages of the modern system of public communication & the possibilities of its revamping. In this context he analyzes the consequences of the emergence & the impact of public relations as a skill whose goal is to establish & maintain good relationships between the subject & the publics surrounding it. He also underlines the positive effects of public relations regarding the democratization & the professionalization of the entire process of public communication. This role of public relations is particularly obvious in increasing understanding between groups & organizations, in communication management & in coordinating the private & the public principles of action. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is Locke's classical thesis that the rulers & the ruled are subject to universal laws & that their abuses are prevented by the institutional means of power sharing. The rule according to which nobody can be a judge in their own affairs unconditionally applies in all court or administrative proceedings. The problem arises when this legal thinking is applied to parliaments. Namely, in parliamentary work the incompatibility of the mandates of the legislative & the executive branch is annulled since the executive power gains the upper hand in the composition & substance of the legislature. Besides, The basic law (Grundgesetz) provides MPs with indemnity in their voting behavior & guarantees to them immunity from punishment for certain acts that other citizens would not be able to get away with. This relative freedom & independence of MPs is corrected by the rule books on the behavior of MPs that envision the necessity of their ethical conduct. The violations of the rules are sanctioned not so much by moderatorial law as by political means. The author's opinion is that deciding on their own affairs cannot be universally granted to parliaments. Constitutions allow, even call for, certain decisions on one's own affairs to be made. However, due to insufficient outside control, self-control must be increased, which implies legal obedience on the part of MPs so that laws become meaningful for all participants. Besides the ethical & political pressures that force the MPs to behave in a law-abiding manner, laws also exert positive pressure on them to see to it that their decisions serve the public good. Adapted from the source document.