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Javne su politike, kao višedimenzionalan i izrazito kompleksan fenomen, nužno multidisciplinaran predmet istraživanja. Cilj je rada istražiti što je specifično politološko znanje o javnim politikama, odnosno koji je jedinstveni doprinos politologa izučavanju i upravljanju javnim politikama u svrhe profiliranja te mlade politološke discipline u Jugoistočnoj Europi. Rad je nastao kao rezultat pregleda temeljnih udžbenika javnih politika u svijetu i regiji, te literature o metodologiji i pristupima istraživanju u društvenim znanostima i politologiji. Kreće se od određivanja što su javne politike i što je politički aspekt javnih politika. Propituju se pristupi istraživanju javnih politika (policy studije). Zatim se identificiraju vrste profesionalne uporabe tih istraživanja (policy analize). Ključna je pretpostavka kako je politologija prvenstveno kompetentna za analizu aktera stvaranja politika. Osnovni je nalaz da temelj profesionalnog profiliranja politologa u javnim politikama, s obzirom da jedini rabe istraživačku perspektivu usmjerenu na aktere, reprezentativnost i legitimnost stvaranja politika, može biti jedan oblik participatorne policy analize. ; Public policies, as a multi-dimensional and highly complex phenomenon, necessarily make a multidisciplinary research subject. The aim of this paper is to examine what is specific political science knowledge about public policy, and what is the unique contribution of political scientists to policy research and governance to enhance consolidating this young discipline in Southeastern Europe. This paper is a result of a review of policy textbooks in Southeastern Europe and worldwide, and literature on approaches and methodologies in social sciences and political science. It starts with determining public polices and their political aspect. Then it explores approaches of policy studies. Finally, it identifies types of professional policy research or policy analysis. The key assumption is that political science is primarily competent to analyze policy actors. The main finding of the paper is that the basis of political scientist professionalization in policy research, given that they are best in actor-centered research, and issues of representativeness and legitimacy of policy-making, can be a form of participatory policy analysis.

Model novog javnog menadžmenta sadrži javne politike za tržišno usmjerene institucionalne reforme. Zemlje koje su primijenile ovaj model općenito su među prvih dvadeset na globalnim ljestvicama vezanima uz ljudski razvoj, ljudsku slobodu, ekonomsku slobodu, lakoću poslovanja, deregulaciju tržišta, konkurentnost, antikorupcijsku transparentnost i liberalnu demokraciju. Dok su nordijske zemlje uvele vanjsko ugovaranje usluga (outsourcing) i tržišno natjecanje unutar svojih sustava države blagostanja, a Njemačka se snažno usmjerila na privatizacije, anglosaksonske zemlje, a posebice Sjedinjene Države, ugovaraju čak i dijelove nacionalne sigurnosti s privatnim vojnim i obavještajnim pružateljima. Međutim, model novog javnog menadžmenta ne zanemaruje ulogu države, već potiče njezino smanjivanje i otvaranje za tržišno natjecanje, privatizaciju, deregulaciju i transparentnost. Dok je Novi javni menadžment uključiv prema zajednicama i tržištima, primjena ovog modela može poboljšati institucije i upravljanje stvaranjem pretežito horizontalnih struktura, koje osiguravaju veze među različitim dijelovima organizacije i koherentan okvir javnih politika. U konačnici, reforme javnog upravljanja ovise o kritičkom razmišljanju, temeljem multidisciplinarne ekspertize, koja doprinosi inovativnim i inkluzivnim institucijama usmjerenim na rješavanje problema, s dovoljnom razinom građanskih vrlina i društvenog povjerenja. ; The New Public Management model contains public policies for market-driven institutional reforms. Countries that applied this model are generally among the TOP 20 in global rankings concerning human development, human freedom, economic freedom, ease of doing business, market deregulation, competitiveness, anti-corruption transparency and liberal democracy. While the Nordic countries introduced outsourcing and competition within their welfare systems, and Germany strongly focused on privatizations, the Anglo-Saxon countries, and especially the United States, outsource even parts of their national security to private military and intelligence contractors. However, the New Public Management model does not undermine the role of government, but encourages its downsizing and opening for competition, privatization, deregulation and transparency. While the New Public Management is inclusive toward communities and markets, the application of the model can improve institutions and governance by creating predominantly horizontal structures, which ensure connections between different parts of organization and coherent public policy framework. Finally, public management reforms depend on critical thinking, based on the multidisciplinary expertise, which contributes to innovative and inclusive problem-solving institutions, with sufficient level of civic virtues and social trust.

Istraživači javnih politika od druge polovice 20. stoljeća sve više analitičke pažnje posvećuju prijenosu javnih politika iz jednog političkog djelokruga u drugi. Pritom se koriste konceptima poput difuzije, konvergencije i transfera javnih politika. Transfer javnih politika, najmlađi od navedenih pristupa, dobiva na zamahu nakon druge polovice devedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća te je u posljednjih dvadeset godina izrastao u respektabilan, naveliko citiran I korišten istraživački pristup. Ovaj se rad može shvatiti kao historijat istraživanja prijenosa javnih politika između političkih djelokruga. Pored pregleda evolucije pristupa ponudit će se i izvorna sistematizacija i demarkacija različitih studija. Rad se zaključuje uvidom kako su studije transfera distinktivne u odnosu na studije konvergencije i difuzije. Odlikuje ih procesni analitički fokus, usmjerenost na razumijevanje djelovanja aktera, kvalitativna metodologija te korištenje malih uzoraka. U radu se zastupa mišljenje kako su studije transfera javnih politika izvrstan heuristički alat jer omogućuju multidimenzionalno istraživanje procesa stvaranja javnih politika. ; From the second half of the twentieth century policy scholars are increasingly devoting their attention to the transference of policy from one political jurisdiction to another. Concepts such as policy diffusion, convergence and transfer are being used to elucidate the modern-day policy process. Policy transfer, the youngest of these approaches, has been gaining momentum from the second half of the nineties and has grown into a respectable, widely cited and used research frame. This article is a historical account of policy transfer research. In addition to examining the evolution of similar approaches (diffusion, convergence, and transfer), the original systematization and demarcation of different studies is offered. The paper concludes with the insight that policy transfer studies are distinctive in relation to convergence and diffusion studies. They are characterized by an analytical focus on processes, on understanding of policy actors' actions, on qualitative methodology, and using small samples. The paper concludes that policy transfer studies are an excellent heuristic tool because they enable a multidimensional research of the policy process.

Civilno društvo u mnogim zemljama demokratskog svijeta, pa tako i u Republici Hrvatskoj, zauzima vrlo važno mjesto u političkom i društvenom životu. Naime, Europska je unija kao predstavnik zapadnih, demokratskih zemalja, prepoznala civilni sektor kao jedan od stupova društva pa se u mnogim politikama zemalja javlja pitanje u kojoj mjeri te na koji način je ispravno uključiti civilni sektor u kreiranje javnih politika. Prema ideji, civilno bi društvo trebalo sudjelovati u političkom životu pojedine zemlje od samoga početka s glavnim zadatkom detekcije postojanja pojedinih društvenih problema. Takvim inicijativama, ali i sudjelovanjem u samom kreiranju politika te njihovoj promidžbi, civilni sektor postaje partnerom vlasti. Predmet ovog rada jesu civilne udruge kao najčešće organizacije civilnog društva te politički život, tj. kreiranje javnih politika, odnosno, sudjelovanje civilnog sektora u politici. Svrha ovog rada jest dati pregled mogućnosti utjecaja civilnih udruga na kreiranje javnih politika. Konačno, cilj ovog rada jest razumjeti problematiku te eventualne prepreke u sudjelovanju civilnih udruga u političkome životu. ; Civil society in many countries of the democratic world, including the Republic of Croatia, occupies a very important place in political and social life. Namely, the European Union, as a representative of Western, democratic countries, has recognized the civil sector as one of the pillars of society, so in many countries' policies the question arises to what extent and in what way it is right to involve the civil sector in policy making. According to the idea, civil society should participate in the political life of a particular country from the very beginning with the main task of detecting the existence of certain social problems. With such initiatives, but also by participating in the very creation of policies and their promotion, the civil sector becomes a partner of the government. The subject of this paper are civil society organizations as the most common civil society organizations and political life, ie the creation of public policies, ie the participation of the civil sector in politics. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the possibilities of the influence of civil society organizations on policy making. Finally, the aim of this paper is to understand the issues of this possible obstacle to the participation of civil society organizations in political life.

Civilno društvo u mnogim zemljama demokratskog svijeta, pa tako i u Republici Hrvatskoj, zauzima vrlo važno mjesto u političkom i društvenom životu. Naime, Europska je unija kao predstavnik zapadnih, demokratskih zemalja, prepoznala civilni sektor kao jedan od stupova društva pa se u mnogim politikama zemalja javlja pitanje u kojoj mjeri te na koji način je ispravno uključiti civilni sektor u kreiranje javnih politika. Prema ideji, civilno bi društvo trebalo sudjelovati u političkom životu pojedine zemlje od samoga početka s glavnim zadatkom detekcije postojanja pojedinih društvenih problema. Takvim inicijativama, ali i sudjelovanjem u samom kreiranju politika te njihovoj promidžbi, civilni sektor postaje partnerom vlasti. Predmet ovog rada jesu civilne udruge kao najčešće organizacije civilnog društva te politički život, tj. kreiranje javnih politika, odnosno, sudjelovanje civilnog sektora u politici. Svrha ovog rada jest dati pregled mogućnosti utjecaja civilnih udruga na kreiranje javnih politika. Konačno, cilj ovog rada jest razumjeti problematiku te eventualne prepreke u sudjelovanju civilnih udruga u političkome životu. ; Civil society in many countries of the democratic world, including the Republic of Croatia, occupies a very important place in political and social life. Namely, the European Union, as a representative of Western, democratic countries, has recognized the civil sector as one of the pillars of society, so in many countries' policies the question arises to what extent and in what way it is right to involve the civil sector in policy making. According to the idea, civil society should participate in the political life of a particular country from the very beginning with the main task of detecting the existence of certain social problems. With such initiatives, but also by participating in the very creation of policies and their promotion, the civil sector becomes a partner of the government. The subject of this paper are civil society organizations as the most common civil society ...

Rodni režim Europske unije je distinktivan režim specifične geneze, osebujnih pravila i kompleksnih procedura. Javne politike koje mu pripadaju čine portfelj rodne jednakosti država članica i kandidatkinja. Nužno je stoga biti upućen u njihov sadržaj, ali i povijest. U članku se analizira kompleksni nastanak politike rodne jednakosti obilježen političkim borbama oko suprotstavljenih vizija jednakosti, utjecajima drugih međunarodnih režima te internim institucionalnim sukobima. Glavno je pitanje: kako se u posljednjih šezdeset godina razvijala politika rodne jednakosti EU-a te kakve su njene ocjene i projekcije za njenu budućnost? U odgovaranju na ovo pitanje koriste se originalni javnopolitički dokumenti EU-a, kao i uvidi bogate literature iz politologijskog područja roda i politike. Članak se zaključuje uvidom kako nakon pola stoljeća razvoja, koji je bio obilježen epizodama javnopolitičkih inovacija (u kojima EU nije bila puka sljedbenica, već dapače predvodnica napretka na globalnoj sceni), dolazi do zabrinjavajućeg zastoja u formulaciji i implementaciji politike rodne jednakosti. ; Gender regime of the European Union is a distinctive regime characterized by a specific genesis, particular rules and complex procedures. Public policies belonging to the regime represent the gender equality portfolio of member states and candidate countries. It is, therefore, essential to be familiar with their content, as well as their history. The paper analyses the complex creation of the gender equality policy, marked by political conflicts over opposing visions of equality, influence of other international regimes and internal institutional conflicts. The main question is the following: how has gender equality policy developed in the last sixty years, how is it evaluated and what are the projections for its future? In order to address this question, original EU public policy documents are used, as well as insights from rich literature covering the politological aspect of gender and politics. The paper ends with a conclusion that after half a century of development, marked by episodes of public policy innovation (in which the EU was not a mere follower, but rather a leader of progress on the global scene), there is a worrying stagnation in the formulation and implementation of gender equality policy.

The processes of Europeanization have invaded the public policy sphere & introduced into it, among other things, the altered views of the roles of policy players & their relationships in the processes of the formation & the implementation of public policy. As soon as these new developments had been detected, numerous political science debates understandably ensued about the changed roles & competences of the actors who operate at different political levels in the European Union. The paper begins with the definition of the policy actor in the research of the EU policy process. The usability of the traditional & the contemporary understanding of the policy actor in the EU policy system is looked into by means of the indicators of (non)statehood & the existing view of the role of the state, thereby articulating the dilemmas & the prospects for the potential new taxonomies of policy actors that might emerge as a consequence of the policy activity at the EU level, since the newly identified features breed suspicion in the unequivocal adequacy of the existing taxonomy of the actors. Also, the appropriateness of the categorization of the players according to their political level or to the structural-functional character of their activities is discussed. References. Adapted from the source document.

Being of the theoretical approaches to the study of the EU, the goal of the analysis of policy networks is to identify the policy process actors, both governmental & non-governmental, & the structure of their interaction in order to describe, explain & predict the outcomes of the European public policy. Many authors claim that the exceptionally rapid development of this approach in the last thirty years (& its intensive EU application since the 1990s) can be attributed to the changes in the contemporary practice of governance. Namely, although public policy is above all related to the accountability of authorities in securing public goods, the tasks are increasingly allocated to a growing number of non-governmental actors, especially in the EU. In its analysis of policy networks the paper offers the typology of the actors & an array of the concepts which define the structuring of their interaction (in the policy literature the term policy network is used generically & also when referring to the EU). It also outlines the continuum of the types of EU policy networks which as independent variable affect the outcomes of the European public policy. The paper identifies which approach within the analysis of policy networks the application to the EU belongs to. In the EU research policy networks are understood as an instrument of the policy analysis that explains the decisions shaping public policy at the subsystem level of decision-making, which makes it necessary to combine it with other theoretical approaches for the other levels of decision-making, which makes it necessary to combine it with other theoretical approaches for the other levels of decision-making & for the other types of decisions to grasp the entirety of the manner in which public policy in the EU is shaped. The policy network analysis contributes most to improving the understanding of everyday events in the process of creating European public policy, the events the change the environment in which key decisions are made as well as the actors' perceptions of their own interests. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The use of policy networks in the research of public policies includes identifying policy actors (both state & non-state actors) & determining the type of their relations, with the purpose of description & analysis of the policy process. The basic assumption of the approach is that contemporary policy-making is characterized by sharing of responsibilities for policy-making among state & the non-state actors. The approach is faced with a critical charge that it doesn't make a clear distinction between dependent & independent variables, & that it does not contain an implicit causal logic that could be falsified. Even though this criticism is partly justified, the policy networks approach should not be dismissed, albeit it should not be understood as a theory (in the sense of E. & V. Ostrom's level of theoretical discourse). Furthermore, the criticism mostly affects the 'interest intermediation school', which understands policy networks as generic term for different forms of state-society relations. Thus, the 'governance school' is much more fruitful for the development of policy networks idea. The 'Governance school' of policy networks approach can be understood as a framework &/or a model. Firstly, the policy networks approach has most similarities with the cycle model of policy process & the two approaches are closely related frameworks of public policy research. The characteristics of contemporary policy-making calls for adding policy networks to the cycle model &, in this perspective, the policy networks approach becomes an analytical tool-box for organizing empirical material. Secondly, policy networks are conceived as a specific form of governance, which becomes dominant in the recent literature. Within this perspective, ideas about policy networks have bigger theoretical ambitions, but are still developed at a level of a model, & not theory. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the research tradition of interpretive policy analysis. After the academic context from which it can be understood is sketched & important theoretical influences which shape its theoretical field are roughly identified, arguments from the works of its main authors, establishing interpretive policy analysis as a paradigm for public policy research, are presented. With the help of categories of ontology, epistemology & methodology, its main characteristics are then schematized. In the end, the question from the article's heading is answered. It is concluded that equating interpretive policy analysis with the political program of deliberative democracy is not necessary & probably not advisable as well. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The article points to the importance of research into the dimensions of public policy creation beyond the central government & other levels of government. The author shows that public policy researchers were made open for those dimensions of policy creation by the governance literature, but also that opening the debate on the role of horizontal policy actors can not be reduced to simply taking the issue over from the governance literature. Instead, the article shows that the research into the new dimensions was facilitated by the changed logic of policy creation that today can no longer be described as "command & monitor" but rather as "negotiate & cooperate." For understanding the latter logic of policy creation the research of public policy inspired by organization theory are very important. The author also shows the importance of connecting the research problems of policy science & governance, backing his claim with an example of research into the role of public policy coordination. In the last part of the article the author points to the possible framework of research into the problem of coordination in the Croatian context. References. Adapted from the source document.