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Neste artigo buscamos apresentar reflexões acerca do ensaio intitulado Necropolítica, de Achille Mbembe e também da obra Punir os Pobres, de Loic Wacquant. Tratam-se de análises que buscam evidenciar quem pode viver e quem deve morrer, tendo como referência a discussão apresentada no curso Em defesa da sociedade, de Michel Foucault. A formulação de Foucault sobre o biopoder opera com base em uma divisão entre os vivos e os mortos, em que o controle pressupõe distribuição de humanos em grupos, divisão da população em subgrupos. Nesta abordagem, o objetivo do presente artigo é a compreensão do processo de demarcação e afirmação do controle físico e geográfico, que produzem fronteiras e hierarquias, ocorrendo, desta maneira, classificações de pessoas de acordo com diferentes categorias, chegando, sobretudo, ao encarceramento em massa da população negra. Este é um estudo de revisão bibliográfica, ilustrando e explicitando as noções de biopolítica, guerra, terror, disciplina, escravidão, segregação, gueto e cárcere, tendo como fio condutor a racialização. Como resultado, compreendemos que a necropolítica é a dinâmica da fragmentação territorial e o acesso proibido, com o objetivo de implantar a segregação, incluindo o encarceramento justificado pela necessidade de controle da criminalidade.AbstractIn this article we seek to present reflections about the essay entitled Necropolitic by Achille Mbembe and also of the work Punishing the Poor of Loic Wacquant. These are analyses that seek to show who can live and who should die, having as reference to the discussion presented in the course In defense of society by Michel Foucault. Foucault's formulation of biopower operates based on a division between the living and the dead, in which control presupposes distribution of humans into groups, dividing the population into subgroups. In this approach, the objective of this article is to understand the process of demarcation and affirmation of physical and geographical control, which produce boundaries and hierarchies, thus occurring classifications of people according to different categories, reaching, above all, the mass incarceration of the black population. This is a bibliographic review study, illustrating and explaining the notions of biopolitics, war, terror, discipline, slavery, segregation, ghetto and prison, having racialization as its guiding thread. As a result, we understand that necropolitics is the dynamics of territorial fragmentation and prohibited access, with the aim of implementing segregation including incarceration justified by the need to control crime.

Just prior to his untimely death in 1961 in a hospital in the United States of America, Franz Fanon taught a series of lectures at the University of Tunis. His lecture notes include a section titled "Le contrôl et la surveillance", in which he makes "social diagnoses, on the embodied effects and outcomes of surveillance practices on different categories of laborers when attempts are made by way of workforce supervision to reduce their labor to an automation: factory assembly line workers subjected to time-management by punch clocks and time sheets, the eavesdropping done by telephone switchboard supervisors as they secretly listened in on calls", and other forms of management by surveillance (Browne 2015: 5-6). Here, Fanon produces an original account of control as an alienating and dehumanizing force of social production. Importantly for Fanon, technologies of control also generate and reinforce subjective experiences of racialization as an aspect of dehumanization in capitalist modernity. Yet, despite Fanon's close intellectual friendship with Sartre and his involvement with Parisian philosophical circles during the postwar period, the emerging generation of French poststructuralist thinkers who became Sartre's heirs do not seem to have regarded Fanon's work on control as influential upon their groundbreaking theorizations of contemporary power and social production. As Simone Browne notes (2015: 165), Foucault does not reference Fanon in his early lectures on discipline and affective embodiment in "Madness and Civilization", delivered during his own residency from 1966-68 at the University of Tunis; nor does he cite Fanon's work in his later lecture series on biopolitics and security delivered at the Collège de France from 1977 to 1979. Similarly, although Fanon's critical approach to psychoanalysis is mentioned in passing by Deleuze and Guattari in Anti-Oedipus (1983), Fanon is not cited by Deleuze (1988) as a precursor to his subsequent thinking about Foucault's account of "disciplinary society" as a paradigm of modernity. Deleuze's "Postscript on the Societies of Control", which Gregory Flaxman (2019) argues should be read as an afterword to Deleuze's earlier book on Foucault, again fails to consider Fanon a relevant source of knowledge regarding the nature of those power formations Deleuze believes are characteristic of a more contemporary shift towards "societies of control" (Deleuze 1992).

The current political climate has erupted long standing undercurrents of racism and hatred in the U.S. with a particular focus on Latinos and immigrants. The ill effects of this climate have been well established. However, little research has examined how discrimination or neighborhood crime can contribute to Latinos' need for and use of mental health services. Building upon existing research and drawing from the Public Health Critical Race praxis and Latino Critical Theory, this dissertation aims to ascertain the relationship between perceived ethnic discrimination, perceived neighborhood crime and Latinos' use of mental health-related services; whether a diagnosable disorder mediates or moderates this relationship; and how these relationships differ by nativity and citizenship status. Data are drawn from the National Latino and Asian American Study (NLAAS). Multiple multivariate logistic regression models with mediation and moderation methods were used. This study finds perceived ethnic discrimination and perceived neighborhood crime have a statistically significant positive association with mental health-related service use and varied by Latinos' nativity and citizenship status. From mediation analyses, this study supports a hypothesized causal mechanism which finds that having a disorder may partially explain the relationship between perceived ethnic discrimination and services use among U.S.-born Latinos only, and may fully explain the relationship between perceived neighborhood crime and service use among noncitizen Latinos only. From moderation analyses, this study supports the conditioning effect of having a disorder. Increases in perceived ethnic discrimination increased service use among U.S.-born Latinos without a disorder, but was a slight barrier to service use for similar Latinos with a disorder. Also, increases in perceived neighborhood crime increased service use for noncitizen Latinos with a disorder, but had no service effect for similar Latinos without a disorder.This study moves the field forward by establishing a relationship between perceived ethnic discrimination, perceived neighborhood crime and mental health-related services use among Latinos. Different aspects of racialization in the U.S. need to be critically identified and assessed to properly address the social and political determinants of poor mental health and service use among Latinos. The findings of this study have important implications for theory, practice and policy.

Mainstream American environmental education (EE) programs often place undue privilege on inquiry-based scientific epistemologies and settler colonial wilderness ideologies (Cronon 1995b, Wolfe 2006) as the primary drivers in determining program design. Those programs in the urban setting add an environmental justice layer to these frameworks, by focusing their efforts on underserved minority youth. Specifically, they take them to nature and teach through science in an effort to provide an informed, equitable experience that might cultivate a love of nature and future environmental stewardship. In Los Angeles, the programs offered by the century-old Los Angeles Audubon Society (LAAS) and a few other local non-profits and nature centers pride their innovative (though increasingly common) focus on local place-based nature excursions for underserved youth, often seeking to foster environmental experiences within the source schools. This project examines these questions through the primary lens of LAAS programs and their intentional focus on science-based environmental education within the Ballona Creek Watershed. To understand their work and its impacts on the communities they hope to transform, I draw on literatures in urban anthropology and political ecology, knowledge production, settler colonialism, and the racialization of nature. I focus on the following four aspects embedded in these programs: 1) construction of "real" urban nature, 2) the centrality of rational and inquiry-based science content, 3) the precarious potential of embodied nature experience, and 4) racialized natures and their relationship to place-based community-building. Despite the transformative potential of urban environmental education, educators tend to (unwittingly) reproduce potentially restrictive hegemonic environmental values, knowledges, and practices without considering the historical context and ongoing socio-political inequities enabling them. This results in significant gaps and friction (Tsing 2005) between educators' environmentalisms and their desires for inclusivity and justice in the environmental movement by targeting low-income communities of color. It is in the generative friction of these gaps that I suggest a rhizomic (Ogden 2011) environmental education paradigm forefronting the layered histories of local place, with an intentional integration of epistemological diversity, cultural history, and community experience to re-center environmental education as a key access point for a socially critical and ecologically aware urban citizenry.

The historical process of racialization of black people in Colombia inevitably goes through historically racialized bodies, as a result of colonialism and the experience of racial and sexist discrimination. Based on the life stories of the women from San Basilio de Palenque, the reflection and knowledge of black women as social and political subjects will be increased, where the fight against racism and violence takes place through their bodies; for the palenquera woman, the process of braiding and brushing their hair is at the same time a celebration of their own bodies, as a portion of a liberating struggle. Around these traditions, an important part of palenquera culture is transmitted, bonds are strengthened through care and resistance practices are recreated ; El proceso histórico de la racialización de las personas negras en Colombia pasa de modo ineludible a través de los cuerpos racializados históricamente, resultado del colonialismo y de la vivencia de la discriminación racial y sexista. A partir de las historias de vida de mujeres de San Basilio de Palenque se ampliará la reflexión y el conocimiento de la mujer negra como sujeto social y político, donde la lucha contra el racismo y la violencia pasa de modo ineludible a través de los cuerpos; el proceso de trenzar y peinar para la mujer palenquera, es a su vez una celebración de sus propios cuerpos como parte de la lucha liberadora, alrededor de ella se transmite una gran parte de la cultura palenquera, se refuerzan vínculos a través del cuidado y se recrean prácticas de resistencia ; O processo histórico de racialização das pessoas negras na Colômbia passa de maneira inevitável através dos corpos racializados historicamente, como resultado do colonialismo e da experiência de discriminação racial e sexista. A partir das histórias de vida de mulheres de San Basilio de Palenque se amplía a reflexão e o conhecimento da mulher negra como sujeito social e politico, onde a luta contra o racismo e a violência passa de maneira inevitável através dos corpos; o processo de trançar e pentear para a mulher palenquera, é por sua vez uma celebração de seus próprios corpos como parte da luta libertadora, ao redor dela se transmite uma grande parte da cultura palenquera, se reforçam os vinculos através do cuidado e se recriam práticas de resistência

Resumen: En este artículo exploro las relaciones entre ciudadanía,raza y sexo en la comunidad de Pocobaya, aldeaandina de Bolivia, tomando en cuenta diversos aspectosde las relaciones entre hombres y mujeres. En relacióncon las imágenes sobre lo hispánico y lo indio, seanalizan las representaciones hegemónicas de género,el papel de la escolarización, y la feminización de loindígena en general y de los varones en particular comojustificación de la dominación de los blancos, y laracialización de tanto la dominación de género como ladominación política. Se analiza el papel nacionalizantey masculinizante tanto del ejército, mediante el serviciomilitar obligatorio, como de las minas. El contacto delos varones con la prostitución y la pornografía lespermite comparar su imagen de la sexualidad de losblancos con la típica de pocobayeños y pocobayeñas.La falta de contacto de las mujeres con la lengua castellanay la cultura «blanca» las hace doblemente alejadasde lo que se valora en la ciudadanía boliviana. Las ideashegemónicas de raza y género se reproducen a variosniveles en las vidas de los campesinos, lo cual crea tensionesya que diferentes modelos normativos de géneroentran en conflicto. En algunas ocasiones los hombresreproducen las jerarquías de género y raza en instanciasde violencia conyugal, tratando a sus esposas como«indias sucias».Palabras clave: Indígena, indio, género, ciudadanía,raza, sexualidad, BoliviaAbstract: In this article I explore the relations between citizenship,race and sex in the Andean village of Pocobaya,in Bolivia. The relationships that men and women shareare considered against the background of hegemonicideas of gender, discourses surrounding the 'indian', aswell as the role of schools; and the racialization of bothgender and political domination. The role of both theArmy and men's work in the mines is analyzed as anationalizing and masculinizing influence. Men's contactwith prostitution and pornography allows them tocompare their image of white sexuality with that typicalof Pocobayans. Women's lack of contact with Spanishlanguage and with the white culture makes them doublyremoved from what is valued in Bolivian citizenship.Hegemonic ideas of race and gender are reproduced ona number of levels within the lives of villagers whichcreates tensions as different normative gender modelsare in conflict. On some occasions men reproduce theraced and gendered hierarchies in instances of conjugalviolence where they cast their wives as 'dirty indians'.Keywords: Indigenous, Indian, gender, citizenship,race, sexuality, Bolivia

Resumen: En este artículo exploro las relaciones entre ciudadanía,raza y sexo en la comunidad de Pocobaya, aldeaandina de Bolivia, tomando en cuenta diversos aspectosde las relaciones entre hombres y mujeres. En relacióncon las imágenes sobre lo hispánico y lo indio, seanalizan las representaciones hegemónicas de género,el papel de la escolarización, y la feminización de loindígena en general y de los varones en particular comojustificación de la dominación de los blancos, y laracialización de tanto la dominación de género como ladominación política. Se analiza el papel nacionalizantey masculinizante tanto del ejército, mediante el serviciomilitar obligatorio, como de las minas. El contacto delos varones con la prostitución y la pornografía lespermite comparar su imagen de la sexualidad de losblancos con la típica de pocobayeños y pocobayeñas.La falta de contacto de las mujeres con la lengua castellanay la cultura «blanca» las hace doblemente alejadasde lo que se valora en la ciudadanía boliviana. Las ideashegemónicas de raza y género se reproducen a variosniveles en las vidas de los campesinos, lo cual crea tensionesya que diferentes modelos normativos de géneroentran en conflicto. En algunas ocasiones los hombresreproducen las jerarquías de género y raza en instanciasde violencia conyugal, tratando a sus esposas como«indias sucias».Palabras clave: Indígena, indio, género, ciudadanía,raza, sexualidad, BoliviaAbstract: In this article I explore the relations between citizenship,race and sex in the Andean village of Pocobaya,in Bolivia. The relationships that men and women shareare considered against the background of hegemonicideas of gender, discourses surrounding the 'indian', aswell as the role of schools; and the racialization of bothgender and political domination. The role of both theArmy and men's work in the mines is analyzed as anationalizing and masculinizing influence. Men's contactwith prostitution and pornography allows them tocompare their image of white sexuality with that typicalof Pocobayans. Women's lack of contact with Spanishlanguage and with the white culture makes them doublyremoved from what is valued in Bolivian citizenship.Hegemonic ideas of race and gender are reproduced ona number of levels within the lives of villagers whichcreates tensions as different normative gender modelsare in conflict. On some occasions men reproduce theraced and gendered hierarchies in instances of conjugalviolence where they cast their wives as 'dirty indians'.Keywords: Indigenous, Indian, gender, citizenship,race, sexuality, Bolivia

How do social movements move? Tiqqun, the French collective that authored The Coming Insurrection, suggests that 'movements do not spread by contamination,' but by 'resonance' between radical moments, and that is certainly what we have seen with the upsurge of popular resistance in recent years. If the autoimmune spreads by contagion, autonomy spreads by resonance. In this spirit, I would like to suggest that there is a chain of resonance from the Haitian revolutionaries through the US Abolitionists and Reconstructionists down to today's critiques of the prison-industrial complex and the global justice movements. Specifically, while those who campaign against debt are often told that there is no precedent for their ideas, the history of these radical moments in the Americas suggests that any democracy worthy of the name is also an economic transformation that takes into account the racialization of debt. Running though this chain is what Toni Morrison called the "re-memory" of slavery, a physical or visual evocation of the past that 'comes back whether we want it to or not.' Each of these moments returns periodically, repeatedly, because justice has not yet been served. Abolition, whether of chattel slavery or debt, is not a simple event or a moment but a chain of interwoven and interactive events. Far from being a neutral tool of accounting, debt is always a method of racializing subjects, whether into 'whiteness,' 'blackness,' being 'indigenous,' or otherwise. Any campaign against debt thus becomes a campaign for a democracy comprised of free subjects. Within the Occupy movement, the call for debt abolition began with the recognition of unprecedented levels of student indebtedness and the formation of the Occupy Student Debt Campaign in October 2011. As the movement developed, increasingly all kinds of household debt were targeted by a new campaign calling itself Strike Debt. A critique soon arose that debt is paradoxically an 'elite' phenomenon, because only people of means, usually 'white' people, have access to debt. In The Debt Resistors' Operations Manual, Strike Debt has collectively responded to this critique, asserting that 'debt is a calculated attack on the very possibility of democracy.' As ever in the Americas, this assault targets people of color first, leading to the designation of debt as an 'economic hate crime.'"

The dissertation examines the salience of race over the course of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the United States. In contrast to the first decade of the epidemic, AIDS is now increasingly seen as a disease of color; black Americans are central objects of U.S. public health efforts to prevent the spread of the disease. Additionally, black Americans' activism and advocacy is an important and influential feature in the contemporary configuration of the HIV prevention field. While it may be reasonable to assume that the changing racialization of the HIV/AIDS discourse and the prevention field was simply inevitable given advancements in epidemiological and scientific knowledge of the disease, this explanation is insufficient. The dissertation focuses on the practices and politics of public health and biomedicine, media, sexuality and race that are intimately intertwined with producing and constructing responses to HIV/AIDS. The dissertation finds that a discursive and bureaucratic shift prompted by multiple sources--including, black Americans' activism and advocacy--occurred in the early 1990s. This shift is conceptualized as demarcating two disease regimes of HIV/AIDS in relation to black American experience: the regime of exclusion (1981-early 1990s) and the regime of inclusion (early 1990s-present day). Within the first regime, dominant images, practices and discourses of public health, biomedicine and the media constructed a representation of HIV/AIDS, which effectively rendered black Americans excluded or, virtually missing. Conversely, the regime of inclusion designates an ongoing period where black Americans are central actors, and black Americans' concerns and cultural products are increasingly incorporated, within the HIV/ AIDS discourse, and more specifically in the field of HIV prevention. Building on a wide range of scholarship in the social and cultural studies of HIV/AIDS, race studies, science studies; and governmentality studies, the dissertation documents and analyzes a multiplicity of socio-political and cultural forces that helped to transform the HIV/AIDS disease regime of black American exclusion to one of black American inclusion. The dissertation is based on data derived from content and discursive analysis of public health publications, media and secondary scholarly sources; interviews with public health administrators and black American HIV/AIDS activists in Atlanta, Georgia; and participant observation at HIV/AIDS conference

In our current historical moment, notions of citizenship and sovereignty are continually being called into question. Over the past two hundred years, processes of delimiting the cultural and geographic parameters of the U.S. and Mexican nation-states have played out in distinct but parallel ways. As the two countries that share the largest militarized border in the world, flows of migration, or rather the containment of these flows, has necessitated a clear demarcation of what constitutes indigenous people, and more importantly, indigenous landscapes. Citizenship in both countries has always been predicated upon how the nation-state imagines its borders, and whom it imagines as worthy of residing within those borders. This work maps the systemic and overt forms of racism that create current discourses and perceptions of indigeneity, analyzing how these forms continue to define and delimit nation-building projects today. Through centering an analysis of the National Museum of the American Indian in the United States and the Museo Nacional de Antropología in Mexico, I link their institutional practices and representations of indigenous communities to larger historical developments and genealogies to reveal the way that structural racism and ideologies operate to manage and produce the ongoing "absent presence" of indigeneity. This project aims to move away from the notion of museums as sites of multicultural inclusion and public recognition to examine the ongoing problem and reconfiguring of "difference" in such spaces. Looking at the way that each museum facilitates navigation through spatial, as well as temporal boundaries, I then locate these navigations within larger historical and contemporary debates surrounding conflicting notions of state and Native sovereignty. I contend that museums are key sites for capturing, staging and authenticating indigenous identities, serving as important locations to examine the indigenous presence in larger national and discursive contexts. This dissertation asks the following questions : how do museums provide the groundwork for the imagined and symbolic landscapes through which we see, engage and encounter the indigenous presence in the early 21st century? How does an understanding of indigeneity in these two museums reveal much more about the present conditions of globalization, neoliberalism, diaspora, history and political sovereignty? How does apprehending the racialization of space and place allow for nuanced analyses of power and native subjectivities in the present -day?

This dissertation asks how the ethnic Mexican community in Southern California struggled for full societal membership while a large proportion of their constituency were noncitizens and therefore targets of border enforcement policies? These violations, due to racialist presumptions of border enforcement, not only affected immigrants, but also U.S. citizens of Mexican heritage. I demonstrate that beginning in the 1920s and continuing to the present, with particular highlight on the "Chicano movement" of the 1960s and 70s, a number of activists responded to this conundrum by forging a conception of community across differences in nationality (American and Mexican) and citizenship status (U.S. citizens and Mexican immigrants). This more fluid, transnational conception of a "Chicano- Mexicano" community was chiefly developed through the spectrum of a shared ethnicity and culture coupled with the experience of racialization by border enforcement immigration policies. Transnational and cross-citizenship solidarity within the ethnic Mexican community was forged in the context of struggle against more narrowly nationalistic forces both within and outside the community. In recognition of this vexing context, my dissertation explores the activism emanating from the Committee on Chicano Rights (CCR) led by Herman Baca, a printer from the barrios of southeast San Diego County. Building off the cross-citizenship activism of Mexican- American labor activists of the previous generation, the CCR utilized a grassroots approach to mobilizing by basing itself in and interacting with working-class Latina/o community members to assess key social problems and develop solutions to them. Mobilizing as a united ethno- racial community in classic Chicano movement style, the CCR moved into addressing class issues through engagement with the capital-labor antagonism embedded within immigration policy. This community-based effort engaged constituents initially through voter registration and later through providing community services to undocumented migrants, going door-to-door calling issues-based meetings in communal places such as the local church, and establishing an open presence out of Baca's printing shop in the main commercial strip of the city. In this way, the CCR stayed attuned to the demographic transformations occurring in the Latina/o community in the 1970s, namely the mass influx of new migrant laborers, many of whom were undocumented

In the liberal democratic tradition, dominant nationalist discourses articulate citizenship as the domain of the nation-state, functioning as a mechanism for dispensing rights and claims through political membership. However, in the wake of heightened globality, national paradigms are rapidly being altered by the increased transnational movement of people, capital, and culture. This phenomenon has resulted in the decline of the nation-state as the primary nucleus for cultural, political, and economic organization and undercuts the traditional power of the state to monitor citizenship and govern the conditions of cultural belonging. This project looks to examine how the changing role of the nation-state under the imperatives of globalizing cultural dynamics is impacting both the conceptualization and enactment of citizenship. I read citizenship as a contested site of identity that is being simultaneously affected by the consolidating, centripetal force of the national, and the re-organizing, centrifugal force of the global. Utilizing various genres of cultural production - novels, films, photographs, and speeches - my project analyzes the cultural meaning of American citizenship as it has been affected by the forces of globalization. I argue that new global formations are challenging the conceptualization of identity as it is situated in nationalist narratives of citizenship. I locate this tension within particular categories of American identity: race, class, gender, sexuality, and nationality. I first consider how the reorganization of the global labor economy impacts gender at the intersection of race, focusing on transnational sweatshop labor among Asian and Mexican women. I go on to examine the ways in which configurations of queer globalization present a liberatory potential for sexual dissidence while also posing the threat of reifying heterosexist nationalist norms. Although these analyses demonstrate the increased permeability of national borders as they police citizenship and cultural identity, I also argue that the rise of post-9/11 nationalism in the U.S. reveals the persistent potency of the rhetoric of the nation-state, as well as evaluate the effect of increased globality on the processes of racialization among Arab and Muslim Americans. I conclude with a discussion of the (im)possibility of a universal citizenship beyond national boundaries, one that engages in questions of human rights theory

In Debatten um Sexarbeit und Prostitution wird viel über "die osteuropäischen Prostituierten" diskutiert. Doch wie gestalten sich die Lebensalltage von Menschen aus osteuropäischen Ländern, die in Deutschland der Sexarbeit nachgehen? Basierend auf langfristiger ethnographischer Feldforschung in Berlin bietet die Autorin Antworten auf diese Frage. In Auseinandersetzung mit den Erfahrungen von Frauen und Männern aus verschiedenen Ländern des östlichen Europas zeigt sie auf, dass prekäre Lebensumstände sexarbeitender Migrant*innen Ausdruck weitreichender Marginalisierung, Sexualisierung und Rassifizierung von Osteuropäer*innen im neoliberalen Europa sind.

My dissertation examines entanglements of race, place, gender, and class in Puerto Rican reggaetón. Based on ethnographic and archival research in San Juan, Puerto Rico, and in New York, New York, I argue that Puerto Rican youth engage with an African diasporic space via their participation in the popular music reggaetón. By African diasporic space, I refer to the process by which local groups incorporate diasporic resources such as cultural practices or icons from other sites in the African diaspora into new expressions of blackness that respond to their localized experiences of racial exclusion. Participation in African diasporic space not only facilitates cultural exchange across different African diasporic sites, but it also exposes local communities in these sites to new understandings and expressions of blackness from other places. As one manifestation of these processes in Puerto Rico, reggaetón refutes the hegemonic construction of Puerto Rican national identity as a "racial democracy." Similar to countries such as Brazil and Cuba, the discourse of racial democracy in Puerto Rico posits that Puerto Ricans are descendents of European, African, and indigenous ancestors. Yet this conception simultaneously holds that racial divisions in Puerto Rico are obsolete, a notion at serious odds with the reality of persistent white privilege on the island. I argue that discourses of racial democracy are spatially constituted in a "cultural topography." Different conceptions of blackness are "emplaced" within distinct locations throughout the island such that certain towns or neighborhoods are associated with particular ideas about blackness. These multiple ideas about blackness operate differently vis-à-vis racial democracy. On one hand, representations of a "folkloric" and "antiquated" blackness have been emplaced in the northeastern town of Loíza to symbolize the African component of racial democracy. At the same time, an understanding of blackness as "abject" is emplaced in urban housing projects, or caseríos, as the "primitive" counterpoint to the more "modern" whitened Puerto Rican nation sustained by racial democracy. The perceived connections between distinct conceptions of blackness and particular places throughout Puerto Rico often conflict and, in the process, expose some of the contradictions inherent to dominant discourses of racial democracy. Specifically, mapping out the various emplacements of blackness in Puerto Rico calls attention to racial democracy discourses' simultaneous inclusion and exclusion of blackness into elitist depictions of Puerto Rican identity. At the same time, possibilities exist within these contradictions to express other definitions of blackness that refute racial democracy discourses. Reggaetón inserts one alternative understanding of blackness into Puerto Rican society. Multiple processes of migration and cultural exchange exposed Puerto Ricans in San Juan to musical practices from various sites in the African diaspora including hip hop, Jamaican dancehall, and Panamanian reggae en español. Puerto Rican youth combined these various musical influences in unique ways to produce reggaetón. At the same time, however, participation in diasporic space also introduced Puerto Rican youth to new ways of imagining blackness. Through their own experiences with migration to the United States, Puerto Rican youth encountered new forms of racialization that, in turn, led to the recognition of comparable experiences of racial exclusion with other African diasporic communities. Reggaetón developed in part through these various diasporic connections, expressing black identities that countered the local processes of racialization in Puerto Rican discourses of racial democracy. My dissertation begins with the development of underground, the precursor to reggaetón, in the mid-1990s. I discuss the specific ways in which engagement with diasporic space created the conditions of possibility for reggaetón to develop in Puerto Rico. My chapters about the initial creation of underground and the success of artist Tego Calderón demonstrate that diasporic resources give new valence to understandings of blackness that transcend the boundaries of Puerto Rico's cultural topography. In addition, I show how these cultural expressions also transform the meanings of already widely recognized Afro-Puerto Rican signifiers. History has shown us that radical cultural politics are often met with tremendous resistance, and the constitutive forms of this resistance can tell a story about national and racial imperatives. I analyze two government-sanctioned campaigns aimed at censoring reggaetón to consider the ways that diasporic spaces pose serious challenges to the authority of racial democracy. In the 1990s, the Puerto Rican government confiscated underground recordings as part of a larger anti-crime initiative. Several years later, in 2002, the Puerto Rican Senate launched an Anti-Pornography Campaign that targeted sexual imagery in reggaetón music videos. I consider these initiatives as evidence of the perceived "threat" that reggaetón posed to hegemonic constructions of racial democracy. An analysis of the multiple censorship campaigns against reggaetón reveals the pedagogical moves that the Puerto Rican government employed in an attempt to maintain the hegemony of elitist discourses of racial democracy.Situated in the intersecting fields of race theory, diaspora theory, and cultural studies, my dissertation employs interdisciplinary methodologies and a multi-faceted theoretical approach to consider the work of diaspora in Puerto Rican reggaetón. My research illuminates the ways that reggaetón articulates understandings of blackness that challenge hegemonic constructions of race and national identity and, in the process, create possibilities for connecting blackness and Latinidad in new ways.

Preliminary Material -- 1 Introduction: The Synthesis of Foreign and Indigenous Constructions of Race in Modern East Asia and Its Actual Operation /Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel -- 2 East Asians in the Linnaean Taxonomy: Sources and Implications of a Racial Image /Rotem Kowner and Christina Skott -- 3 Constructing Racial Theories on East Asians as a Transnational "Western" Enterprise, 1750–1850 /Walter Demel -- 4 The 'Races' of East Asia in Nineteenth-Century European Encyclopedias /Georg Lehner -- 5 The Racial Image of the Japanese in the Western Press Published in Japan, 1861–1881 /Olavi K. Fält -- 6 The Propagation of Racial Thought in Nineteenth-Century China /Daniel Barth -- 7 Learning from the South: Japan's Racial Construction of Southern Chinese, 1895–1941 /Huei-Ying Kuo -- 8 "The Great Question of the World Today": Britain, the Dominions, East Asian Immigration and the Threat of Race War, 1905–1911 /Antony Best -- 9 "Uplifting the Weak and Degenerated Races of East Asia": American and Indigenous Views of Sport and Body in Early Twentieth-Century East Asia /Stefan Hübner -- 10 Racism under Negotiation: The Japanese Race in the Nazi-German Perspective /Gerhard Krebs -- 11 Discourses of Race and Racism in Modern Korea, 1890s–1945 /Vladimir Tikhonov -- 12 The United States Arrives: Racialization and Racism in Post-1945 South Korea /Nadia Y. Kim -- 13 A Post-Communist Coexistence in Northeast Asia? Mutual Racial Attitudes among Russians and Indigenous Peoples of Siberia /David C. Lewis -- 14 Nationalism and Internationalism: Sino-American Racial Perceptions of the Korean War /Xun Lü -- 15 Gangtai Patriotic Songs and Racialized Chinese Nationalism /Yinghong Cheng -- 16 Japanese as Both a "Race" and a "Non-Race": The Politics of Jinshu and Minzoku and the Depoliticization of Japaneseness /Yuko Kawai -- 17 Ethnic Nationalism in Postwar Japan: Nihonjinron and Its Racial Facets /Rotem Kowner and Harumi Befu -- 18 Ethnic Nationalism and Internationalism in the North Korean Worldview /Tatiana Gabroussenko -- 19 In the Name of the Master: Race, Nationalism and Masculinity in Chinese Martial Arts Cinema /Kai-man Chang -- 20 Sexualized Racism, Gender and Nationalism: The Case of Japan's Sexual Enslavement of Korean "Comfort Women" /Bang-soon L. Yoon -- 21 "The Guilt Feeling That You Exist": War, Racism and Indisch-Japanese Identity Formation /Aya Ezawa -- 22 'The "Amerasian" Knot: Transpacific Crossings of "GI Babies" from Korea to the United States /W. Taejin Hwang -- 23 The Essence and Mechanisms of Race and Racism in Modern East Asia /Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel -- Bibliography -- Index.