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U ovom radu bavimo se pitanjem određenja adekvatne koncepcije legitimnosti za Evropsku uniju. Zastupamo stanovište da u tom pogledu odlučujuću važnost ima ideja javnog uma, kako ju je formulisao Džon Rols. Rols je smatrao da ideja javnog uma ima svoju ulogu kako na domaćem planu ustavnih demokratija tako i na međunarodnom planu. Mi ćemo, polazeći od Rolsovih stavova, nastojati da formulišemo adekvatnu koncepciju javnog uma za Evropsku uniju. Ipak, za razliku od Rolsa, koji u međunarodnom kontekstu prvenstveno govori o narodima, argumentovaćemo da osnovu javnog uma Evropske unije treba da čini koncepcija slobodnih i jednakih građana. ; This paper will examine the issue of finding the most adequate conception of normative legitimacy for the European Union. I shall argue that John Rawls's idea of public reason is crucially important in this context. Rawls maintains that the idea of public reason is important not only for constitutional democracies, but also at the international level. Following Rawls's lead, this paper focuses on the idea of public reason at the EU level. However, I shall argue that the idea of public reason that is adequate for the European Union should be based on the conception of free and equal citizens, instead of Rawls's conception of peoples.

Mirovinski sustav ima različite zadaće koje su ponekad i međusobno suprotstavljene. Usprkos očitom poboljšanju materijalnog položaja starijih osoba, sustav međugeneracijske solidarnosti ima i neke neželjene učinke − izobličuje ponudu rada i oblike naknade, povećava gubitke mrtvog tereta doprinosa, uvjetuje pretjeranu preraspodjelu i stvara dugoročno neodrživ pritisak na javne financije. Stoga je u Hrvatskoj provedena mirovinska reforma i uveden sustav osobnih računa. Njegovo moguće zamrzavanje ili ukidanje imalo bi vrlo nepovoljne gospodarske učinke, a dovelo bi i do razbijanja povjerenja u taj sustav štednje. Ono bi samo nakratko ublažilo proračunski deficit, a državi bi stvorilo velike dugotrajne poteškoće u ispunjavanju obveza prema osobama koje su ostvarile mirovinska prava. Cilj ovog rada je pojasniti važnost očuvanja obveznog kapitaliziranog mirovinskog osiguranja (drugog stupa) u Hrvatskoj. U radu se pojašnjavaju njegova najznačajnija obilježja te navode mogućnosti poboljšanja i unapređenja. ; The pension system has different demanding tasks that may sometimes be mutually in conflict. Despite the apparent improvement in the financial position of older people, the intergenerational solidarity system also has some adverse effects. It could distort labour supply and forms of compensation, increase the loss of dead weight effect of social insurance contributions, exaggerate redistribution in the system and create long-term unsustainable pressure on public finances. Therefore, a pension reform was implemented in Croatia and a funded system with personal accounts was introduced. Possible freezing or cancellation of the funded system would have highly unfavourable economic effects and would lead to a breakdown of trust in this savings system. It would only briefly mitigate the budget deficit, while simultaneously it would create great long-lasting difficulties for the government in meeting the obligations towards persons who had acquired pension rights. The purpose of this text is to clarify the importance of preserving compulsory funded (capitalized) pension insurance (the second pillar) in Croatia. The paper explains the most significant features of the funded pension insurance and offers possibilities for improvements.

Članak je nastojanje da se razmisli o budućnosti komparativne političke i socijalne filozofije na temelju interakcije s empirijskim i teorijskim istraživanjima u društvenim znanostima i humanistici. Sastoji se od četiri dijela: 1. Kratke prezentacije izvora »komparativnog zaokreta« i četvrtog vala kritike eurocentrizma; 2. Razmišljanja o problemu »višestrukih moderna« (»nove moderne«) kao posljedice »komparativnog zaokreta« i izazova za ideju društva i politike temeljene na konceptu sekularnog javnog uma; 3. Reference na izazov klasičnoj postavci javne sfere (ukorijenjene u idealu javnog uma) razvijene od strane Nilüfer Göle koja je istraživala novu »islamsku javnu vidljivost kao kritiku sekularne verzije javne sfere« u Zapadnoj Europi. ; The paper is an effort to reflect on the prospects of comparative political and social philosophy based on interaction with empirical and theoretical research in the social sciences and humanities. It consists of the following components: 1. Short presentation of the sources of the "comparative turn" and the fourth wave of the critique of Eurocentrism. 2. Reflection on the problem of "multiple modernities" ("new modernities") as the consequence of the "comparative turn", and a challenge for the idea of society and politics based on the concept of secular public reason. 3. Reference to a challenge to the classical notion of the public sphere (rooted in the ideal of public reason) which was developed by Nilüfer Göle while studying new "Islamic public visibility as a critique of a secular version of the public sphere" in Western Europe. ; Cet article, constituant une tentative pour penser les perspectives d'avenir de la politique comparée et de la philosophie sociale, se base sur l'interaction entre les recherches empiriques et théoriques dans les sciences sociales et humaines. Il est composé des trois parties suivantes : 1. d'une brève présentation de la source du « tournant comparé » et de la quatrième vague de la critique de l'eurocentrisme ; 2. d'une réflexion sur le problème des « multiples modernités » (« nouvelles modernités ») comme conséquence du « tournant comparé » et sur le défi se rapportant à l'idée d'une société basée sur la raison publique séculaire ; 3. d'une référence concernant la récusation de la notion classique de sphère publique (incarnée dans l'idéal de la raison publique) développée par Nilüfer Göle dans sa recherche sur la nouvelle « visibilité publique islamique en tant que critique d'une version séculaire de la sphère publique » dans l'Europe de l'ouest. ; Der Artikel ist bestrebt, über die Perspektiven der komparativen politischen Philosophie und Sozialphilosophie zu reflektieren, basiert auf der Interaktion mit der empirischen und theoretischen Forschung in den Sozial- und Geisteswissenschaften. Er besteht aus folgenden Komponenten: 1. Kurze Darstellung der Quelle der "komparativen Wende" und die vierte Welle der Kritik des Eurozentrismus; 2. Nachdenken über das Problem der "multiplen modernitäten" ("neue modernitäten") als Folge der "komparativen Wende" und der Herausforderung an die sich auf das Konzept der säkularen öffentlichen Vernunft stützende Idee der Gesellschaft und Politik; 3. Bezugnahme auf die Herausforderung für die klassische Vorstellung von der öffentlichen Sphäre (verwurzelt im Ideal der öffentlichen Vernunft), entwickelt von Nilüfer Göle, die die neue "islamische öffentliche Sichtbarkeit als Kritik der säkularen Version der öffentlichen Sphäre" in Westeuropa erforscht hat.

Carl Schmitt je jedan od najposvećenijih protivnika liberalnog univerzalizma sa svojim pojmom pluralističke, racionalne i uključive konsenzualne politike kao progresivnog demokratskog projekta i svojeg razumijevanja političke arene kao pročišćene, od sukoba slobodne, i na taj način progresivne kretnje demokratske logike. U ovom radu nastojat ću pokazati Schmittove pesimističke i negativne stavove, zasnovane na ontološkim i teološkim temeljima, o deliberativnom modelu politike koja tvrdi da partikularna volja može doći do koncepta zajedničkog javnog interesa ili zajedničkog dobra kroz raspravu i dijalog. Nadalje, pokušat ću pokazati da unutar Schmittovog projekta koncept diktature suverena postoji kao nužni kontrapunkt pojmu politič- kog. Schmitt odbija razumijevati politički život kao medij dijalog koji vodi razumskom konsenzusu. U ovom kontekstu, suveren iz Schmittove teorije mora se razumijevati upravo kao sila napravljena da proizvodi homogenost kroz hegemoniju. Hegemonija, u Gramscijevom smislu, nije gola opresivna sila. Namjesto toga, odnosi se na vladajuću silu sposobnu upisati vlastitu ideologiju i pogled na svijet u javnost kroz uvjeravanje. U tom okviru, ljevičarski mislitelji poput Mouffea, koji preporuča da moramo misliti »sa Schmittom protiv Schmitta« kako bismo razvili novo demokratsko političko razumijevanje, svraćaju pozornost na Schmittovu tezu da je svaki politički identitet u funkciju »mi–oni« antinomije, ali im promiče činjenica da je nemoguće deducirati koncept zbiljski demokratske javne sfere iz Schmittove teorije. Kao što će biti naglašenu u radu, demokracija u Schmittovom smislu može biti savršena forma suverenosti, takva kakva usuprot liberalnoj demokraciji rezultira homogenizacijom i isključenjem heterogenosti, te na taj način mora biti začeta kao fundamentalno hegemonijski sistem. Schmittov ideal demokracije zahtijeva da politički identiteti, javno mišljenje, javna sfera i formiranje volje vudu rezultati suverenove volje i bez prostora za raspravu. ; Carl Schmitt is one of the most dedicated opponents of liberal universalism, with its notion of pluralist, rational and non-exclusivist consensus politics as a progressive democratic project and its understanding of the political arena – "purified", being free from struggles and conflict – as the progressive move of democratic logic. In this paper I will first try to show Schmitt's pessimistic and negative stance based on ontological and theological grounds on the deliberative model of politics with its claim about the possibility of making particular wills reach the conception of common public interest or the common good through discussion and dialogue. Secondly, I'll try to show that, within Schmitt's project, the concept of the sovereign dictatorship exists as the necessary counterpoint to the concept of the political. Schmitt refuses to understand political life as a medium of dialogue leading to a rational consensus. In this context, the sovereign in Schmitt's theory should be precisely understood as a force constructed to reproduce homogeneity in a hegemonic manner. Hegemonia, in a Gramscian sense, is not a bare oppressive force. Rather, it refers to a ruling force which is able to inject its own ideology and world view into the public through persuasion. In this framework, leftist thinkers like mouffe, who recommended that we should think "with Schmitt against Schmitt" in order to develop a new democratic political understanding, draw attention to Schmitt's thesis that every political identity functions as "we-they" antinomy, yet they miss the fact that it is impossible to deduce a conception of a truly democratic public sphere from Schmitt's theory. As it will be emphasized in this paper, democracy in the Schmittian sense can be the perfect form of sovereignty, one which in contrast to liberal democracy results in homogenization and the exclusion of the heterogeneous and thus must be conceived as a fundamentally hegemonic system. The Schmittian ideal of democracy requires that political identities, public opinion, public sphere and will formation are the products of a sovereign will and not of open and free discussion. ; Carl Schmitt est l'un des opposants les plus puissants de l'universalisme libérale de par sa notion de consensus politique pluraliste, rationnel et non exclusiviste en tant que projet démocratique progressiste, mais aussi de par sa compréhension de l'arène politique - « purifiée », libre de toutes luttes et de tout conflit – en tant que mouvement progressiste de la logique dé- mocratique. Dans cet article, je vais en premier lieu tenter de montrer l'opinion pessimiste et négative de Schmitt – basée sur des fondements ontologiques et théologiques – concernant le modèle délibératif de la politique et sa prétention à penser que la formation de volontés particulières pourrait toucher l'intérêt public commun ou le bien commun à travers la discussion et le dialogue. En second lieu, je vais tenter de montrer qu'à l'intérieur du projet de Schmitt le concept de dictature souveraine existe comme contrepartie nécessaire au concept du politique. Schmitt refuse de penser la vie politique comme instrument de dialogue menant au consensus rationnel. Ainsi, le souverain dans la théorie de Schmitt doit précisément être compris comme une force construite pour reproduire une telle homogénéité de manière hégémonique. Hegemonia, au sens gramscien, n'est pas une simple force oppressive ; il s'agit plutôt d'un terme qui se réfère à une force dirigeante capable d'injecter sa propre idéologie et vision du monde dans le domaine public à travers la persuasion. Dans ce contexte, certains penseurs de gauche telle que mouffe qui nous recommande de penser « avec, et contre, Schmitt » dans le but de développer une nouvelle compréhension de la politique démocratique, attirent notre attention sur la thèse de Schmitt où chaque identité politique fonctionne par l'antinomie « nous/eux ». Toutefois, ces penseurs passent à côté du fait qu'il est impossible de déduire une conception de réelle sphère publique démocratique sur la base de la théorie de Schmitt. Comme cet article le souligne bien, la démocratie au sens schmittien peut être la forme parfaite de souveraineté, une forme qui – en contraste avec la démocratie libérale – aboutit à une homogénéisation en excluant l'hétérogé- néité, et ainsi doit être conçue comme un système fondamentalement hégémonique. Selon l'idéal schmittien de démocratie, les identités politiques, l'opinion publique, la sphère publique et la formation de volontés doivent être les produits, non pas d'une discussion ouverte et libre, mais d'une volonté souveraine. ; Carl Schmitt ist einer der mächtigsten Gegner des liberalen Universalismus mit dessen Vorstellung von pluralistischer, rationaler und nicht exklusivistischer Konsenspolitik als einem progressiven demokratischen Projekt und dessen Verständnis der politischen Arena – "gereinigt", frei von Kämpfen und Konflikten – als eines progressiven Schritts der demokratischen Logik. In diesem Beitrag werde ich zunächst versuchen, Schmitts pessimistische, negative und auf ontologischer und theologischer Grundlage ruhende Haltung zum Beratungsmodell der Politik darzulegen, mit dessen Behauptung über die möglichkeit, partikulare Willen zu veranlassen, durch Diskussion und Dialog die Konzeption des gemeinschaftlichen öffentlichen Interesses oder Gemeinwohls zu erreichen. Zweitens werde ich versuchen zu zeigen, dass im Rahmen des schmittschen Projekts der Begriff der souveränen Diktatur als notwendiger Kontrapunkt zum Begriff des Politischen existiert. Schmitt weigert sich, das politische Leben als ein medium des Dialogs zu begreifen, das zu einem rationalen Konsens führt. In diesem Zusammenhang soll das Souveräne in der schmittschen Theorie eben als eine Gewalt aufgefasst werden, die konstruiert ist, um eine solche Homogenität in einer hegemonialen Art zu reproduzieren. Die hegemonia im gramscischen Sinne ist nicht eine bloß repressive Kraft; vielmehr bezieht sie sich auf eine herrschende Kraft, die imstande ist, durch Überzeugungsvermögen ihre eigene Ideologie und Weltanschauung in die Öffentlichkeit zu injizieren. Linksorientierte Denker wie mouffe, die empfohlen haben, wir sollten "mit Schmitt gegen Schmitt" denken, um ein neues demokratisches politisches Verständnis zu entwickeln, lenken in diesem Kontext das Augenmerk auf Schmitts These, jede politische Identität funktioniere durch die "wir – sie"-Antinomie, doch sie übersehen die Tatsache, dass es unmöglich ist, aus der schmittschen Theorie die Vorstellung von einer wahrhaft demokratischen öffentlichen Sphäre abzuleiten. Wie es in dieser Arbeit betont wird, kann die Demokratie im schmittschen Sinne die perfekte Form der Souveränität sein, die – im Gegensatz zur liberalen Demokratie – in der Homogenisierung und Ausgrenzung des Heterogenen resultiert und daher als ein grundlegend hegemoniales System erachtet werden muss. Das schmittsche Ideal der Demokratie erheischt, dass politische Identitäten, öffentliche meinung, öffentliche Sphäre und Willensbildung keine Produkte einer offenen und freien Diskussion, sondern eines souveränen Willens sind.

Kao ključnu novinu prvog modernog hrvatskog Stečajnog zakona iz 1996. možemo istaknuti pouzdanost kriterija na temelju kojih se odlučuje o pokretanju stečajnog postupka. On se pokreće prijedlogom vjerovnika ili dužnika kada se utvrdi postojanje kojega od zakonom predviđenih stečajnih razloga (insolventnost i insuficientnost). U četvrtoj noveli ovog Zakona iz 2006., proširen je krug ovlaštenih osoba za pokretanje stečajnog postupka. St. 1. čl. 39. sada glasi: "Stečajni postupak se pokreće prijedlogom vjerovnika ili dužnika, ako zakonom nije drugačije određeno". U isto vrijeme, na ljeto 2006., Hrvatski je sabor donio Zakon o sportu kojim se, između ostalog, regulira da je tijelo državne uprave nadležno za sport na prijedlog Povjerenstva za profesionalne športske klubove ovlašteno ex offo pokrenuti stečajni postupak ukoliko športski klub-udruga za natjecanje ne provede postupak preoblikovanja u športsko dioničko društvo ili ako preoblikovanje nije uspjelo. Cilj je rada sagledati odredbu čl. 41. Zakona o sportu o obvezi preoblikovanja sportskog kluba – udruge za natjecanje u sportsko dioničko društvo u odnosu na pravno načelo razmjernosti koje nalaže da prava mogu biti ograničena samo u mjeri koja je potrebna za dostizanje cilja koji se želi postići tim ograničenjem. ; One of the key features of the first modern Croatian Bankruptcy Act of 1996 is the reliability of the criteria based on which the initiation of bankruptcy proceedings is decided. Bankruptcy proceedings are initiated by the proposal of the creditor or the debtor when the existence of any of the legally prescribed bankruptcy reasons (insolvency and insufficiency) is determined. In the fourth amendment to this Act in 2006, the circle of authorized persons for initiating bankruptcy proceedings was expanded. In Article 39(1) shall read: "Bankruptcy proceedings are initiated by a proposal of the creditor or the debtor, unless otherwise specified by law." At the same time, in summer 2006, the Croatian Parliament passed the Sports Act, which among other ...

The pervasive problem of academic cheating is an important issue for teachers and other educational stakeholders. Since teachers are one of the most important role models to students, their approach to academic (dis)honesty will likely have a strong influence on them. Therefore, the aim of this study was to identify teachers' perceptions of the frequency and acceptability of different kinds of cheating acts, as well as their perception of the reasons for cheating and their reactions to cheating. Additionally, this study attempted to investigate whether teachers from different levels of education differ in their perceptions of cheating and/or in strategies that they use to deal with this problem. Data was obtained from 400 teachers from Croatian universities, secondary schools and elementary schools using an on-line survey. The results show that teachers from all levels of education perceive cheating as very frequent, but unacceptable behaviour. They recognize the great importance of their role in the prevention of cheating, but their actual reactions are a cause of concern. Teachers' reactions were usually reduced to warnings and did not lead to any serious consequences. Teachers from different levels of education reacted similarly to all acts of cheating. ; Sveprisutan problem varanja u školama i na fakultetima važna je tema za nastavnike i kreatore obrazovne politike. Budući da su nastavnici jedan od najvažnijih uzora svojim učenicima i studentima, njihov pristup akademskom (ne)poštenju zasigurno ima velik utjecaj na akademsko poštenje učenika/studenta. Zbog toga je cilj ovog istraživanja bio ispitati nastavničku percepciju učestalosti i prihvatljivosti različitih oblika varanja, njihovu percepciju razloga varanja i načine na koje reagiraju na pojavu varanja. Prema navedenom su uspoređeni nastavnici zaposleni na različitim razinama obrazovanja, a u svrhu utvrđivanja mogućih razlika među njima u odnosu na taj problem. Podaci su prikupljeni on-line anketom u kojoj je sudjelovalo 400 nastavnika zaposlenih u osnovnim i srednjim školama, i na fakultetima. Rezultati su pokazali da nastavnici svih triju razina obrazovanja percipiraju varanje kao vrlo često, ali neprihvatljivo ponašanje. Prepoznaju važnost vlastite uloge u prevenciji varanja, ali njihove su stvarne reakcije na pojavu varanja razlog za zabrinutost; obično su svedene na upozorenja i nemaju ozbiljne posljedice za učenike i studente. Nastavnici na različitim razinama obrazovanja, neovisno o obliku varanja, uglavnom reagiraju na sličan način.

Članak obrazlaže potrebu eksplicitnoga uključivanja civilnoga društva u Rawlsov sustav političkog liberalizma. Članak identificira tri problema u Rawlsovu sustavu i tada kroz definicije civilnoga društva Keanea, Taylora, Gellnera i Rosenblum izlaže mogućnosti njihova rješavanja. Prvi je problem onaj stabilnosti demokratskih sustava, koji je Rawls riješio uvođenjem preklapajućeg konsenszusa. Rawls, ipak nije dostatno objasnio dinamiku interakcije između razložnih doktrina, čime je ostavio prostor za gubitak potpore trenutnoj političkoj koncepciji pravde u slučajevima u kojima politički predstavnici previše često ignoriraju stavove razložnih doktrina. Drugi je problem onaj nerazložnih doktrina: Rawls planira da ih se riješi uobičajenim pravnim mehanizmima, ali ne elaborira kako se mogu nadzirati njihove aktivnosti. Posljednji je problem onaj stvaranja i mijenjanja javnoga uma, u kojem Rawls ne daje dostatne načine na koji javnost može utjecati na odluke zakonodavaca, sudstva i državnih dužnosnika. Esej identificira elemente definicija civilnoga društva koji rješavaju ova tri problema i zaključuje da bi Rawlsov sustav bio ojačan uključivanjem civilnoga društva. ; The essay argues for explicit inclusion of civil society into Rawls's system of political liberalism. It identifies three problems in Rawls's system and then using the definitions of civil society by Keane, Taylor, Gellner and Rosenblum presents the opportunities for their solution. The first problem is the one of stability of democratic systems, which Rawls solved by introducing overlapping consensus. The essay argues that Rawls does not sufficiently account for the dynamics of the interaction between reasonable doctrines, which can conceivably result in the withdrawal of support for the current political conception of justice if the citizens' representatives too often ignore the views of too many reasonable doctrines. The second problem is the one of unreasonable doctrines: Rawls plans that they be kept under check by legal mechanisms, but does not elaborate on how their activities can be supervised. The final problem is the one of the (re)creation of public reason, in which Rawls offers insufficient means through which the public can influence the actions of law-makers, the judiciary and state officials. The essay identifies the elements of the definitions of civil society that address the three problems and concludes that Rawls's system would be made stronger by the introduction of civil society.

The author claims that freedom is what makes philosophy possible in its essence. Along with Kant, the author sees in freedom the spring of pure reason. It is in freedom, as a self-construed concept, that pure reason has its substance. The author goes then goes into the negative & positive concepts of freedom & analyzes the practical notion of freedom whose principles might secure world peace. Adapted from the source document.

In autumn 1795, Kant published his essay Treatise on Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Outline. In it he shows how reason is related to the historical nature of man. Can human knowledge become practical or does it only occur in the pure region of divinity, mathematics, & nature? Can human reason be operative in the sphere of public activity? In other words, the way reason relates to politics is analyzed. Kant's thesis is that peace is the foundation & the norm of the political, an opinion that makes him part of the long tradition of European humanistic thought. We examine The First & The Second Definitive Article on perpetual peace as well as The Second Appendix (The Secret Article of Perpetual Peace) & consider them as a sign of great respect & admiration for the Konigsberg philosopher. Kant's integral text will be published as a part of the Minerva series by the publishing firm Politicka kultura. Adapted from the source document.

In autumn 1795, Kant published his essay Treatise on Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Outline. In it he shows how reason is related to the historical nature of man. Can human knowledge become practical or does it only occur in the pure region of divinity, mathematics, & nature? Can human reason be operative in the sphere of public activity? In other words, the way reason relates to politics is analyzed. Kant's thesis is that peace is the foundation & the norm of the political, an opinion that makes him part of the long tradition of European humanistic thought. We examine The First & The Second Definitive Article on perpetual peace as well as The Second Appendix (The Secret Article of Perpetual Peace) & consider them as a sign of great respect & admiration for the Konigsberg philosopher. Kant's integral text will be published as a part of the Minerva series by the publishing firm Politicka kultura. Adapted from the source document.

Kant's philosophy of religion is inseparably linked with his onto-gnoseological & ethic concepts. The author explains his concept of religion within the limits of practical reason as well as his theoretical agnosticism. We can only have certain ideas & beliefs about the transcedental, God, & immorality of the soul -- they are solely the notions of practical reason -- but we cannot have any theoretical knowledge. The author shows how the absence of critical awareness about the possibility of rational cognition leads to various kinds of dogmatism. Adapted from the source document.

Kant's philosophy of religion is inseparably linked with his onto-gnoseological & ethic concepts. The author explains his concept of religion within the limits of practical reason as well as his theoretical agnosticism. We can only have certain ideas & beliefs about the transcedental, God, & immorality of the soul -- they are solely the notions of practical reason -- but we cannot have any theoretical knowledge. The author shows how the absence of critical awareness about the possibility of rational cognition leads to various kinds of dogmatism. Adapted from the source document.

Temelj socijalne države čini sustav socijalne zaštite i sigurnosti. U operativno-metodološkom kontekstu radi se o troškovima socijalne sigurnosti. Jedna od najvećih stavki odnosi se na mirovine, kao (naj)veće komponente ukupnih izdataka za socijalne prestacije u svim zemljama Europske unije, pa tako i u Republici Hrvatskoj. Namjera rada nije ulaziti u analizu postojećeg mirovinskog sustava, namjera je konstatirati da pritisak davanja za mirovine uvjetovan pogoršanjem odnosa broja zaposlenih i broja umirovljenika nije zaobišao ni Republiku Hrvatsku, što je rezultiralo novim izazovima i pitanjima koje treba riješiti. Jedno od pitanja koje je predmet rada jest može li potrošački stečaj kao mjera sa socijalnim obilježjem kompenzirati negativne posljedice većeg broja umirovljenika i manjih mirovina u slučaju da se kod starijih osoba javi potreba za njegovim pokretanjem. ; System of social protection and security represent basis of social (welfare) state. In the operational- methodological context, it is about social security costs. One of the largest items refers to pensions, as the (largest) component of total expenditures for social benefits in all countries of the European Union, including the Republic of Croatia. The intention of this paper is not to enter into the analysis of the existing pension system, but to state that the pressure of pension payments due to the deteriorating ratio of employees and retirees has not bypassed the Republic of Croatia, which has resulted in new challenges and issues to be addressed. One of the questions, that is the main subject of the paper, is whether consumer bankruptcy as a measure with a social feature can compensate for the negative consequences of a larger number of pensioners and lower pensions in the situation that the elderly need to initiate it.

According to the author, the difference between Hegel & Kant regarding the definition of the idea of perpetual peace is indicative of their radically different concepts of philosophy. The first philosophy strives, through the sober acceptance of what really is, to point out where improvements are needed. The second talks about the reconciliation of reason & reality & is consequently frequently dubbed despondent. Nevertheless, according to the author, this difference between Hegel & Kant (which in certain postulates looks incompatible) is less principle-based than is usually thought, since Kant's moral & philosophical requirements regarding politics are meaningful only if there is an underlying confidence as to the historical efficacy of the reason. Adapted from the source document.