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During the past two decades right-wing populist parties have made substantial electoral gains in many West European countries. In Sweden the success of such parties has been limited compared to, eg, Denmark & Norway. In 1998 an electoral coalition of local populist parties, "Skanes Val," in southern Sweden gained 4.1% of the votes in the regional elections & six mandates in the regional assembly. However, the coalition was split already a year before the subsequent election in 2002. One of the factions started technical cooperation with the ring-wing extremist party "Sverigedemokraterna" during the period leading up to the 2002 election. The reasons for the split of the coalition & the reasons why one of the factions chose to cooperate with "Sverigedemokraterna" are analyzed using the two dimensions right-wing populism vs right-wing extremism & nationalism vs regionalism. While both factions were clearly populist, they strongly differ in nationalism/regionalism. This is one plausible reason why more Swedish nationalist factions chose to cooperate with the nationalist party "Sverigedemokraterna.". 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

Climate change raises a number of drastic environmental changes, such as soil erosion, water shortages, water contamination and deforestation, which leads people to leave their homes and seek livelihood in other places within or outside their own country. Perhaps the most obvious reason why people are forced to flee for environmental reasons is the rising sea levels and subsequent flooding. The IPCC has estimated that sea levels will rise between 28 and 43 centimeters in the next 100 years. It has also estimated that regional variations in the increase of sea levels mean that some small island states are particularly hard hit in terms of loss of land area. Adapted from the source document.

The results of ten years' studies on women equality are briefly discussed. The difficulties to establish a high level academic career for women are emphasized. Mainly economical reasons, such as limitations to obtain intermediate grants after the postdoc phase, are blamed for this situation. A. Barral

A reading of David Hume with the intent to highlight components of a reformistic approach to social change. The well-known formulation about "reason as the slave of passions" poses the first problem. In spite of this, it is maintained that reason plays a decisive role in Hume's theory of knowledge as in his practice as a political philosopher. Connected with this problem is Hume's skepticism, which is based on the discovery of the logical impossibility of inductive inference. However, this theoretical skepticism does not lead to defeatism regarding the possibility of improving knowledge & society; it just leads to modesty &, paradoxically, to an even more important role for reason. A parallel to Hume's criticism of induction is his demonstration of the impossibility of deducing values from facts. Again, it is necessary to notice the difference between his theoretical position & his recommendations for politics. The task of the historian is to give a causal explanation of social institutions &, on the basis of this, point out values inherent in the institutions. This gives the instrument for a rational discussion of maintaining or reforming the institutions. Obviously, Hume is a relativist, but not in the usual & careless meaning of individual or collective subjectivism. Values are produced by men in a historical process, but as they stand before the historian & the politician, they are as objective as facts. Finally, it is worth mentioning that Hume with his view of the importance of an informed & critical discussion of social problems comes close to critical-rationalism. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

This thesis focuses primarily on the question "why is freedom of speech valuable in a democratic context?" I argue that it is problematic that free-dom of speech takes for granted and that the main question therefore is absent in current political science research, in legal texts, and in public discourse. I also argue that in democratic states the focus, regarding freedom of speech, is often on its boundaries and limits rather than on its justification. But it is highly problematic to find and establish its limits without dis-cussion why freedom of speech is desirable in the first place. The thesis poses two questions. The first concerns how freedom of speech is justified by the five strongest available arguments. I analyze the arguments and conclude that they justify freedom of speech differently but that they are similar in one aspect. Freedom of speech is not primarily justified as an individual right. It is rather justified in terms of the public good. The second question asks if we can reach a better understanding of the central arguments. I argue that the arguments have something in common; all of them justify freedom of speech with reference to a common value. I argue that this common value is what I call, a "reliable communication process". All five arguments claim that freedom of speech is valuable because it promotes a reliable communication process. This process is reliable in terms of its capacity to create a pluralistic public discourse that exposes citizens to ideas and perspectives that they would not have chosen in advance. This study results in the following findings. First, that freedom of speech is valuable in a democratic context because the reliable communication process supports the central democratic value of the enlightened understanding of the democratic citizen. Secondly, that I can give a principled reason for the boundaries of freedom of speech. This means that, according to the arguments, there are reasons to abolish or limit freedom of speech if the reliable communication process is damaged or absent, for example in case of war, anarchy, or violent circumstances. Third, that there are strong reasons in support of a public service media, and greater state intervention in media politics. One strong reason for that conclusion is that a public service media can ensure a pluralistic communication in society and counteract information conformity and intolerance among the members of society.

Presents a research design on why and how states should manage cultural diversity with the emphasis that different combinations of neutrality and recognition work better depending on the circumstances. The concept of difference, reason for toleration, the concept of harm and the ends of toleration are discussed. Research design from case selection to material is briefly brought up. L. Pitkaniemi

The article is a comment to an article appeared originally in European Political Science (2004) by Simon Hix from London School of Economics. In it, Hix ranks European Political Science Institutes according to their publication record 1993-2002, regarding quantity & impact. Swedish institutes ranked low (Uppsala Institute, the highest, in place 148). Different reasons for this evaluation are discussed, & the author proposes more articles published in English, more articles in international publications, & an increased presence in international conferences is suggested. A. Barral

The Position "Lars Hierta's" Professor in Political Sciences was established in 1936, & although there are currently 6 more Professor positions at Stockholm University, this one is particularly involved in recruiting, for which reason extra importance is given to administrative merits. Scientific, pedagogical, administrative & leadership, as well as scientific representative merits were evaluated. Of the five applicants, only three were considered as the others had no research experience. After a detailed analysis, none of the three were considered acceptable for named position. A. Barral

A decreased financing for research education in political sciences is being debated in the Swedish Parliament in 2005. This means that instead of 5-6 Ph.D. students per year, fewer will be accepted, & only every two year. Two reasons: too many previously accepted students & insufficient external financing are given. Working conditions for graduate students are variable between different institutions, the first years usually financed by grants, & only later by more stable fellowships. The need for establishing a national standard for graduate student financing is stressed. A. Barral

This thesis focuses on the territorial dimension of democracy by studying the division of Swedish municipalities. It consists of two parts focusing on two types of changes to the division of municipalities: amalgamation and secession. The consequences of a series of amalgamation reforms are the starting point for the first part. The question is if the new structure of the municipalities following from amalgamation, e.g. increased size, changed centre-periphery relations and an increased number of urban areas within municipalities, has had any importance for local democracy. The structural factors are looked at in the light of three aspects of democracy: municipalities as community units, their democratic legitimacy and political participation. This study shows that amalgamations can have negative effects for democracy and the conclusion is that the optimal division, from a democratic point of view, is one of small municipalities with only one dominating urban area in each municipality. As for secession, the study shows that few citizens want their part of the municipality to secede, except for those who live in parts that have had an application for secession rejected in recent years. The most important reason for supporting secession is that it would improve democracy. The main reason for opposing secession is that it would lead to decreased efficiency. The study also shows that certain conditions may change the attitude to secession, but these conditions cannot explain why a higher proportion than average is positive to secession in municipality parts that have applied for secession in recent years.

Two main arguments are presented in this article. First, when alternatives for the future of local government is debated, two questions need to be addressed simultaneously: (a) "how many & how big municipalities ought we have?", & (b) "how strong & well secured ought the principle of local self government be in the constitution?". Second, by using these questions as guides for the analysis, we argue that there are instrumental reasons to guarantee a strong local self-government in the constitution. However, such a reform needs to be complemented by a politically neutral body of regulations that, under given conditions, secures geographically concentrated minorities a right to secede. Adapted from the source document.

De senaste valen är det fler väljare som röstar på ett annat parti än det de gillar bäst, och ett skäl till detta kan vara strategi. I denna rapport analyseras förväntningar, olika strate­gi­ska skäl för röstning och väljarströmmar i riksdagsvalet 2018. Kristdemokraterna står fort­farande ut som ett parti som gynnas av strategisk röstning. En förklaring till detta års uppgång är ett lagom osäkert läge runt spärren i valkampanjens slutskede och fokus på regeringsskifte. Samtidigt var det få som "kastade bort" sina röster och vänster­blocket lyckades denna gång lyckades koordinera sina röster bättre än 2014. Analyserna tyder också på en förhållandevis stor grupp röstade strategiskt på Socialdemokraterna. I valet 2018 röstade 15 procent av väljarkåren på ett annat parti än de eller det parti de sade sig gilla bäst. ; Many Swedes vote for another party than the one he or she likes most, and one reason for this is strategic considerations. This report investigates voters' expectations, reasons to vote strategically and party support shifting in the 2018 Swedish general election. In line with the most recent elections, the small right-wing party Christian Democrats benefited from high shares of strategic votes. This behavior was associated with the party's clear focus on shifting government and having opinion poll levels just at the four percent electoral threshold. Relatively few "wasted" their votes on parties that did finally not reach the electoral threshold. In particular, left-wing voters managed to coordinate their votes better than in the previous election (2014). The analyses also indicate that a relatively large share voted strategically for the Social Democrats. In the 2018 Swedish General Election, 15 percent of the electorate voted for another party than the party or parties they said they preferred.

The Swedish Social Democrats' coalition with the Left Party & the Green Party seems to be a departure from the party's unique position in Swedish politics. This article analyzes the Social Democrats' transformation from a minority ruling party to a coalition-forming party among others. If the transformation implies a substantial strategic shift, what is then behind it? The change is smaller than it might seem -- the coalition idea is far from new. The option has been considered before, but has for various reasons not been realized. The change of strategy can be explained as a tactical response to new circumstances, rather than as the result of drastic rethinking. Adapted from the source document.

For thousands of years India's Dalits were abhorred as "untouchables," denied education and treated as bonded labour. By 1923 Bhimrao Ambedkar broke the taboo, won doctorates abroad and fought for the emancipation of his people. He drafted India's Constitution, led his followers to discard Hinduism for Buddhism. His legend still spreads through poetry and song. In 1997 a statue of Dr. Ambedkar in a Dalit colony in Mumbai was desecrated with footwear. As angry residents gathered, police opened fire killing 10. Vilas Ghogre, a leftist poet, hung himself in protest. Jai Bhim Comrade shot over 14 years, follows the poetry and music of people like Vilas and marks a subaltern tradition of reason that, from the days of the Buddha, has fought superstition and religious bigotry