This essay focuses on the pension system & highlights some of its key elements. The first part deals with the economic principles connected with the social security system. Eatwell's model is utilized to give some basic intuition of terms & concepts used in the pension reform discussion. The second part classifies pension systems from different perspectives & discusses some of the factors relevant for the Czech reform effort. The last part brings the main arguments of the pay-as-you-go supporters that seem to be missing in the current Czech debate. The aim of the authors is to show that a pension reform is a rather complex problem where no fast, simple & impartial view solutions exist. Rather than giving any particular recommendations, the authors try to stimulate the current pension reform debate by stating some controversial issues. References. Adapted from the source document.
Personal income taxation in the Czech Republic has undergone significant changes in the last 20 years. Among main changes is replacing of deductions from the tax base with tax credits in 2006, as well as linking income tax and contributions on compulsory insurance in the form of so-called super-gross wage with the simultaneous introduction of a flat tax rate and introduction of maximum assessment bases for compulsory contributions in 2008. In this paper, we quantify the fiscal impacts of significant changes using macroeconomic and microeconomic approaches. We compare the results within each other, but also with the expected fiscal impact stated in the explanatory reports of the amending laws. The results show good consistency in estimates of the fiscal impact of tax and contribution reforms and confirm four fiscally significant reforms from 2000 to 2018. The expected negative and positive effects of changes in income tax presented in the explanatory reports are generally lower than in our calculations. Improving the quantification of fiscal impacts is essential for the adoption of an efficient and rational tax policy.
The September 11th, terrorist attacks on the United States totally overshadowed the significant legislative changes in the field of the US sanctions policy, which went into effect in the years 2000 and 2001. Albeit these changes as such may appear insufficient at first sight, the decade of sanctions policy reform debates and disputes which preceded these changes justifies the conclusion that they are the best result possible, and far more important than any unsystematic shifts in the regime of imposing economic sanctions for foreign policy purposes made back in the 1990s. The need to reform the US sanctions policy was caused by afundamental change of the international environment brought about by the end of the Cold War. Unlike in the bipolar world, wherein universal sanctions measures were fully sufficient, it was necessary after the end of the Cold War to react to numerous and varied threats to US foreign policy interests. This was done by laws "tailored" for the sanctioned country. The attempt to reform US sanctions policy in the 1990s revealed infull the rivalry between the legislative and executive powers, both of which wanted to preserve the decisive influence upon administrating sanctions and making decisions about them. It was undoubtedly the legislative power the Congress -- which emerged strengthened from the decade of rivalry. The last major factor reemerging in the sanctions policy reform debate and disputes was the issue of extraterritorial effects of some us laws. The extraterritoriality of us legislation caused a backlash in the world, which the US administration could not simply ignore. Yet the United States will probably not give up this powerful tool for forced multilateralization of its unilateral sanctions since this tool enables the US to avoid protracted and uncertain promotion of its interests in the form of multilateral sanctions negotiated by traditional diplomatic means. Adapted from the source document.
Strengthening presidential powers in the Turkish parliamentary system has been the aim of many political actors since the beginning of discussions about the new constitutional framework in 1980. Direct presidential election, as one of the main features of the semi-presidential & presidential systems, has become especially salient with the turbulent events following the recent presidential election. Introducing direct presidential election is the main ambition of a new constitutional amendment which has already been passed in the Turkish parliament. In the case of a favorable result for the referendum, the amendment will bring about further strengthening of the Turkish president's position & possibly change the entire Turkish political system. The aim of my contribution is to analyze the existing powers of the Turkish president as well as the consequences of this prospective constitutional change. The analysis concludes that in the Turkish political system, the president has a stronger position than is usual in classic parliamentary systems, & the constitutional change would strengthen the semi-presidential features of the Turkish political system even more. Consequently, the advantages & disadvantages of both presidential & semi-presidential systems are briefly evaluated & applied to the Turkish situation. The aim is to predict how these systems might function in the specific conditions of Turkey, & to offer some optimal measures to support the stability of Turkey. Adapted from the source document.
This article analyses social policy in the programs of the relevant political parties. Right-wing political parties have profiled themselves as the main bearers of social reform. The pace of social reform started to drop in the second half of the nineties with a complete break down between 1997 & 1998. The political & voting programs of right-wing political parties have been the main source for this research. Adapted from the source document.
This paper provides an institutional analysis concerning the current problems of the health care systems based on obligatory health insurance. In the beginning there are correctly defined & further described some particular principles creating the essence of the continental health care systems. Consequently, there are described two major consequences of asymmetric information: the principal-agency problem & the problem of adverse selection. Further to the definitions there are drawn conclusions for appropriate system reforms. Graphs. Adapted from the source document.
This article aspires to overcome the barriers to a dialogue between the problem-solving and critical approaches to international peacebuilding. From the perspective of modern constructivism hypotheses are formulated concerning the influence of international peacebuilding on the development of sustainable democratic self-governance in the target countries. The hypotheses are tested on two cases of international initiatives in the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina -- the cases of the defense and the police sector reforms. The empirical analysis then validates the hypotheses, and the results are presented in charts. The main idea of the article is that adherence to the principles of liberal governance in the course of international peacebuilding is considerably vital for the build-up of liberal peace in the target country in itself. Adapted from the source document.
This article deals with institutional measures proposed in the concept of the public budgets reform presented by the Czech Ministry of finance in December 2002 & it analyses its capability to improve the budget performance of the Czech Republic. First the performance budgeting & preconditions for its functioning are characterized. In the second part the multi-annual expenditure framework is discussed including analysis of its role in the budgetary process. A simple model shows that introduction of various steps in the budgetary process can alter the final budget. This model has proven that the multi-annual expenditure framework can limit the impact of the fiscal illusion. In the last part a new budget calendar that includes the new measures is proposed. 6 Figures, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
The transformation of the German armed forces is one of the topics of the current security policy of Germany. The position of the German anned forces has deteriorated in recent years when compared to the situation that existed several decades ago. This fact is reflected in such things as the growth of difficulties with recruitment, increase in the number of young people preferring civilian service to military service accompanied by the growth of the positive evaluation of civilian service, and in particular in dwindling financial resources of Bundeswehr. Despite these tendencies, Bundeswehr is not as yet perceived by German society as an institution a priory incompatible with democracy. The analysis of the reform of German armedforces shows that that the changes in this institution are taking place against the background of trends generating the "revolution in military affairs", even though, naturally, within the boundaries given by the Bundeswehr's limited access to the resources of German society. The German armed forces of the future should be more mobile, with improved capability for strategic lift and strategic reconnaissance, more flexible organizational structure and command, better signals and communication equipment, aha better equipment for automated command. The improvements of the German armedforces are aimed at areas that can help them to increase their effectiveness in missions taking place outside of the territory of Germany, while the capabilities that were in the focus in the past, i.e. the high intensity warfare capability in the battlefield of Central Europe, are currently being scaled down. The only specificity of the reform of the German armed forces in comparison with the reforms taking place in other European countries is the continuation of universal conscription, probably due to the belief of German political -- and partly also military -- elites that universal conscription has democratizing effects. Adapted from the source document.
This article focuses on proving some of the earlier published hypotheses that criticized the possibility applying the electoral bonus (bonus seats) to elections to the Chamber of Deputies in the Czech Republic. The results of the Czech parliamentary elections held at the very end of May 2010 provide some empirical data for this analysis and help to prove that the mechanism of the electoral bonus is not useful in the Czech political system. The main reasons for this claim are the hypotheses that the electoral bonus should not reinforce the position of the government coalition and that it erodes the will of the people, whose votes in fact count towards the bonus seat(s) of another party (namely that party which receives the electoral bonus). Adapted from the source document.
