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Der Autor weist auf den dringenden Reformbedarf bei der Zulassung zu juristischen Berufen (Anwälte, Richter) in Polen hin und skizziert die Vielschichtigkeit des Problems, die nach seiner Ansicht zu einer differenzierten Bewertung führen muss. Dabei räumt er ein, dass die PiS bzw. Kaczyński-Regierung auf existierende Missstände hinwies, aber ungeeignete Lösungsvorschläge machte, um die Fehlentwicklungen zu beheben. Die beabsichtigte Reform des Anwaltsberufs hat demnach die Gefahr herauf beschworen, anstatt einer Reform, die neben der notwendigen Öffnung des Berufs seine Selbständigkeit und Unabhängigkeit gewährleisten würde, eine dem Staat untergeordnete und abhängige Gruppe von Anwälten zu schaffen. Man kann nach der Bestandsaufnahme des Autors auch nicht leugnen, dass das Ernennungsverfahren der Richter in Polen ein Legitimationsdefizit aufweist. Es muss nicht nur ihre Unabhängigkeit garantieren, sondern ihnen auch eine ausreichende Legitimation im Rahmen der demokratischen Gesellschaft verleihen. Das effektiv bestehende »Klon-System« ist in dieser Hinsicht nicht ausreichend bzw. schädlich. Es verstärkt die Tendenz, dass die Richter eine abgeschlossene, sich selbst schützende Struktur ausbilden. Die Reformvorstellungen von PiS bzw. des amtierenden Präsidenten Lech Kaczyński auch in diesem Bereich wie auch der Interventionismus des seinerzeitigen PiS-Justizministers Ziobro in seiner Funktion als Generalstaatsanwalt in laufenden Verfahren ("Schaujustiz") wiesen bzw. weisen in die falsche Richtung bei der Bekämpfung der unzweifelhaften Defekte des polnischen Justizsystems.

AbstractAt the beginning and the end of the twentieth century, the Russian imperial and post-Soviet governments pursued large-scale projects to transform land tenure in the countryside. Based on the belief that people would work harder and more productively on land they themselves owned, both reform programs divided collectively-managed land into individual parcels. Post-Soviet land privatization, consciously modeled on the Stolypin-era reforms conducted in early twentieth-century Russia, resulted in the dispossession of much of the rural population. This article examines privatization in a district of Voronezhoblast' in Russia's southwest, considering contemporary processes through an historical lens. It shows how successful local efforts to adapt to markets and preserve large-scale agriculture nonetheless resulted in rural dispossession.

We find that the present pension system is able to secure long-term formal sustainability. On the other hand, rapid fall of the replacement rate is expected, with the hardest period in 2018 to 2041, when ratio of average pension to average wage will be below 20%. Additional funds needed to keep this ratio at the level of 2006 amount to 2-3% of GDP in 2020-2041. Distributional implications of the pension reform are examined. The present value of losses born by elder cohorts from the reform are estimated to reach 9,9 bln roubles (in 2007 prices). The gender gap in pensions will increase substantially, to reach 36% by 2050. Measures addressing long-term problems of the pension system are discussed.

China has moved toward human rights law internationally and domestically since the late 1970s. Their economic reform necessitates the introduction of law in conjunction with building a market economy. As a Permanent Member of the United Nations Security Council, China cannot avoid integrating international human rights law into its system of governance, and Beijing has found soft rights law manageable. Western rights pressure since 1989 has had an indirect impact. Beijing sees legal reform and the signing of international rights conventions as evidence of progress. While somewhat limited, China's adoption of rights laws affects how domestic politics is played out and leads to the creation of a legal profession interested in promotion of the rule of law.

Under some circumstances, recent reforms to policies that affect the working poor create a barrier to workers who try to increase their families' financial well-being through greater earnings. As earnings rise, benefits are reduced and taxes increase. Together these two factors may mean that accepting a raise or working more hours may not make a worker's family better off financially. This article presents an analysis of the extent of implicit taxation and describes how low-wage workers experience this phenomenon. We address three areas: how benefit programs and the tax system together create high combined tax rates, the implications of this system for low-income families' well-being, and finally, suggestions for practice and reform.

Using two linked simulation models, we examine the public expenditure costs and distributional effects of potential reforms to long-term care funding in the UK. Changes to the means tests for user contributions to care costs are compared with options for the abolition of these means tests ('free' personal care). The latter generally cost more than the former and benefit higher income groups more than those on lower incomes (measuring income in relation to the age-specific income distribution). Reforms to the means tests target benefits towards those on lower incomes. However, the highest income group are net losers if free personal care is financed by a higher tax rate on higher incomes and the effect on the whole population considered.

In Bogota reforms in 1991 blocked a market for buying and selling of votes. The patronage lost effectiveness, citizens developed a vote of opinion and the city demonstrated an outstanding performance in the provision of public goods and services. This story is illustrated by a new panel with data at the district and the polling station from 1988 to 2003. An interesting episode exposes preferences class of bogotanos by each of its mayors. However, the main result is the collapse caused by structural reforms. Before 1991, the most exposed areas to patronage generated a higher percentage of votes for the traditional parties and got more coverage in public services after 1991, the two relationships are no longer true. A patronage machine collapses.

Testimony issued by the Government Accountability Office with an abstract that begins "The foundation laid by the Chief Financial Officers Act of 1990 and other management reform legislation provided a much needed statutory basis to improve the accountability of government programs and operations. Such reforms were intended to produce reliable, timely, and useful financial information to help manage day-to- day operations and exercise oversight and promote fiscal stewardship. This testimony, based on GAO's prior work, addresses (1) the progress made and challenges remaining to improve federal financial management practices, and (2) the serious challenges posed by the government's deteriorating long-range fiscal condition and the Comptroller General's views on a possible way forward."

For those Ukrainians who would like to see their country in the European Union, the European Neighbourhood Policy is a poor substitute. Hopes that the ENP would promote democratisation & economic reforms have also gone unfulfilled. EU plans for ENP reform are fuelling these hopes anew. Despite its many deficits, the new concept contains several points which -- should they be implemented -- could mean stronger integration of Ukraine in the EU short of full membership. More explicit priorities, clearer incentives, more technical & financial support by the EU &, above all, an expansion of economic & trade relations by means of "enhanced" free trade would be the best guarantee for producing an economic upswing & anchoring Ukraine in Europe. Adapted from the source document.

Since 1990, Central African States have made profound natural resource policy reforms. One of the main orientations of these reforms is known today as the 'decentralization' of forest management processes within a long lasting context of 'complex political ecology'. This essay examines the effects of this policy change on livelihoods and forest sustainability. It shows that contrary to what was planned by policy-makers and what was expounded by several theorists, decentralization in forest management and related financial benefits is not yet synonymous with the improvement of livelihoods, poverty reduction, and environmental sustainability. On the ground, there are, by and large, very few positive socio-economic outcomes. In conclusion, the author proposes some enabling conditions for an effective link between decentralization and improved livelihood.

"Vor 20 Jahren - im Juni 1987 - vollzog Südkorea den Übergang von der Diktatur zur Demokratie. Heute wird die demokratische Ordnung kaum noch in Frage gestellt. Dies ist ein wesentlicher Verdienst der Zivilgesellschaft. Seit dem Ende der Militärherrschaft hat sich die südkoreanische Demokratie stetig konsolidiert. Über die Jahre entwickelte sich vor allem die Zivilgesellschaft zu einem Motor für Reformen und leistete einen maßgeblichen Beitrag zur Festigung der demokratischen Kultur. Dabei gelang es ihr immer wieder, die breite Bevölkerung für bestimmte Anliegen zu mobilisieren. Die südkoreanische Zivilgesellschaft ist in den vergangenen Jahren nicht nur organisatorisch gewachsen, auch die Zahl der Proteste und Demonstranten hat sich dramatisch erhöht. Dabei handelt es sich gerade nicht um ein Krisensymptom, sondern um das Zeichen einer gesunden demokratischen Entwicklung. In der ersten Hälfte der 1990er-Jahre dominierte innerhalb der Zivilgesellschaft die Studentenbewegung. Ihr Engagement war stark von politischen Utopien angetrieben. In der zweiten Hälfte jenes Jahrzehnts gewannen die Gewerkschaften und gemeinwohlorientierte NGOs die Oberhand. Deren Schwerpunkt liegt zumeist auf pragmatischen ökonomischen und politischen Reformen. Mit der Ausbreitung neuer Kommunikationstechnologien steht die südkoreanische Zivilgesellschaft vor neuen Herausforderungen: Im Internet hat sich eine alternative Öffentlichkeit entwickelt, die den gesellschaftlichen Diskurs erheblich beeinflusst. Von hier könnten wichtige Impulse für die kommenden Präsidentschaftswahlen ausgehen." (Autorenreferat)