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Арабо-израильский конфликт был и остается актуальным, втягивая в свою орбиту большое количество косвенных участников и угрожая безопасности всего региона, т.к. на современном этапе происходит эскалация конфликта. Понимание сути современных процессов невозможно без тщательного изучения истории и предпосылок конфликта, что определяет актуальность предпринятого исследования. В статье проанализирована деятельность международных и региональных организаций по деэскалации арабо-израильского конфликта, а также операции по поддержанию мира. Дана оценка ближневосточному квартету, охарактеризован план мирного урегулирования, известный как «Сделка века», а также указаны причины отказа Палестины и ряда других стран от данного плана. На основе изложенного выше выявлена роль международных и региональных организаций, участвующих в урегулировании рассматриваемого вооруженного конфликта на Ближнем Востоке.

The article deals with the quantitative and "qualitative" composition of the lecturers' staff of Penza regional organization of "Znanie" Society (by party affiliation — predominance of members and candidates for membership in the CPSU, Komsomol; by profession — most teachers, lecturers, Soviet-party workers, medical workers, etc.). We study the peculiarities of membership in the Society of its "foremost group" — scientists, teachers of regional institutes; in particular, the weak participation of representatives of technical departments, simultaneous "workload" in the work not only of the Society, but also of lecture groups, Marxism-Leninism University, etc.; we identify their activity indicators in the lecture work of the organization, which, as a rule, fell behind the republican ones. The tasks, quantitative dynamics, and composition of the Society's primary organizations in the region are characterized. Methodical sections, sections on branches of knowledge and scientific-methodical councils were directly engaged in educational and methodical support of lecture work and its organization, control over the content of lectures through reviewing, interaction with the Soviet-party and public structures. The educational function of the Society was carried out mainly through lecture propaganda. The number of lectures read by the members of the regional organization was increasing; the majority of them were social and political. ; В статье рассматривается количественный и «качественный» состав лекторских кадров Пензенской областной организации общества «Знание» (по партийной принадлежности — преобладание членов и кандидатов в члены КПСС, комсомольцев; по профессиональному признаку — большинство учителей, преподавателей, советско-партийных работников, медиков и др.). Изучаются особенности членства в обществе его «передового отряда» — ученых, преподавателей институтов области; в частности, слабое участие представителей технических кафедр, одновременная «загруженность» в работе не только общества, но и лекторских групп, ...

The article discusses the participation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the influence of the organization as the main factor of regional cooperation in today's context. Today Pakistan considers membership in the SCO as a cornerstone of its regional policy. Participation in the Shanghai organization allows Islamabad to strengthen its international position, facilitate the realization of geostrategic and geo-economic potential, develop relations with the Russian Federation, People's Republic of China, Central Asian countries, strengthen its positions in the field of regional security, and also "restrain" its traditional opponent – India. The effectiveness of the Shanghai organization in a new format is studied. The expansion of the SCO through the accession of Pakistan and India has turned the organization into one of the main instruments of multilateral cooperation. It began to be perceived as the Asian counterpart of the G7 group, which could become a new center of power of global importance. Pakistan and India have changed the balance of power within the organization, and the contradictions between Islamabad and Delhi, as well as between Delhi and Beijing, may reduce the effectiveness of the Shanghai organization in a new format. Finally, the article discusses promising areas of cooperation between Pakistan and the member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Islamabad is counting on strengthening cooperation with the countries of the Shanghai organization, enhancing the effectiveness of a regional approach to the problems of terrorism and extremism, making its contribution to regional development, security and stability, and informing about its point of view on regional issues. Islamabad is counting also on more active involvement of the Shanghai organization in resolving the problem in Afghanistan with the participation of Russia, China and the states of Central Asia. In economic terms, for Pakistan the Shanghai Organization is the main platform for promoting its interests in the energy and transport and communications sectors. Among its most important goals in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Islamabad considers gaining access to the energy resources of Central Asian countries for consumption and transit, as well as providing the Shanghai Organization with its territory for access to the World Ocean, the Middle East, and South and Southeast Asia.

After independence, Africa developed a continental bureaucracy with low efficiency. The continent's marginalization in the 1990s has fuelled a new logic: the creation of the African Union, the development of sub-regional organizations, NEPAD, along with various other "bottom-up" integration processes. Perhaps Africa has reached the threshold of new types of organizations, dealing with cross-cutting issues by associating all actors, political or not. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with problems of financing small enterprises. The authors
consider questions of interactions new mechanisms forming of small and medium
enterprises in the regional economy. The authors offer indicators of new forms of
small and medium-sized business integration and the efficiency of their operation.

International audience ; Within the framework of the potentialities opened up by domestic and international law, including European law, and sometimes beyond this framework, the French overseas territories corresponding to twelve nonsovereign territories, spread over three major geographic regions (Pacific Ocean, Atlantic and West Indies, Indian Ocean and Antarctic), are in a very variable situation with regard to their participation in regional international organizations. Some do not participate in any organization, others simply have observer status, some participate as an associate member and sometimes as a member. This situation is the result of a combination of legal and especially political factors, whether from the will of the territories themselves, the will of the French State or the members of the regional organizations concerned. ; Dans le cadre des potentialités ouvertes par le droit interne et le droit international, y compris le droit européen, et parfois au-delà de ce cadre, les outre-mer français correspondant à douze territoires non souverains, répartis dans trois grandes régions géographiques (océan Pacifique, Atlantique et Antilles, océan Indien et Antarctique), sont dans une situation très variable au regard de leur participation aux organisations internationales régionales. Certains ne participent à aucune organisation, d'autres ont simplement un statut d'observateur, quelques-uns participent en qualité de membre associé et parfois de membre. Cette situation résulte d'une combinaison de facteurs juridiques et surtout politiques qu'il s'agisse de la volonté des territoires eux-mêmes, de celle de l'État français ou des membres des organisations régionales concernées.

International audience ; Within the framework of the potentialities opened up by domestic and international law, including European law, and sometimes beyond this framework, the French overseas territories corresponding to twelve nonsovereign territories, spread over three major geographic regions (Pacific Ocean, Atlantic and West Indies, Indian Ocean and Antarctic), are in a very variable situation with regard to their participation in regional international organizations. Some do not participate in any organization, others simply have observer status, some participate as an associate member and sometimes as a member. This situation is the result of a combination of legal and especially political factors, whether from the will of the territories themselves, the will of the French State or the members of the regional organizations concerned. ; Dans le cadre des potentialités ouvertes par le droit interne et le droit international, y compris le droit européen, et parfois au-delà de ce cadre, les outre-mer français correspondant à douze territoires non souverains, répartis dans trois grandes régions géographiques (océan Pacifique, Atlantique et Antilles, océan Indien et Antarctique), sont dans une situation très variable au regard de leur participation aux organisations internationales régionales. Certains ne participent à aucune organisation, d'autres ont simplement un statut d'observateur, quelques-uns participent en qualité de membre associé et parfois de membre. Cette situation résulte d'une combinaison de facteurs juridiques et surtout politiques qu'il s'agisse de la volonté des territoires eux-mêmes, de celle de l'État français ou des membres des organisations régionales concernées.

International audience ; Within the framework of the potentialities opened up by domestic and international law, including European law, and sometimes beyond this framework, the French overseas territories corresponding to twelve nonsovereign territories, spread over three major geographic regions (Pacific Ocean, Atlantic and West Indies, Indian Ocean and Antarctic), are in a very variable situation with regard to their participation in regional international organizations. Some do not participate in any organization, others simply have observer status, some participate as an associate member and sometimes as a member. This situation is the result of a combination of legal and especially political factors, whether from the will of the territories themselves, the will of the French State or the members of the regional organizations concerned. ; Dans le cadre des potentialités ouvertes par le droit interne et le droit international, y compris le droit européen, et parfois au-delà de ce cadre, les outre-mer français correspondant à douze territoires non souverains, répartis dans trois grandes régions géographiques (océan Pacifique, Atlantique et Antilles, océan Indien et Antarctique), sont dans une situation très variable au regard de leur participation aux organisations internationales régionales. Certains ne participent à aucune organisation, d'autres ont simplement un statut d'observateur, quelques-uns participent en qualité de membre associé et parfois de membre. Cette situation résulte d'une combinaison de facteurs juridiques et surtout politiques qu'il s'agisse de la volonté des territoires eux-mêmes, de celle de l'État français ou des membres des organisations régionales concernées.

South Asia's integration process is sketched on a background of regional disintegration, rivalries, & inequalities. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation's (SAARC's) recent activities are outlined with respect to trade, technological cooperation, social measures, & administrative organization. The 2005 Dhaka summit's decisions are reviewed regarding terrorism, free trade, solidarity, & expansion. Prospects for further South Asian integration in the SAARC framework are pondered. E. Taylor

The article analyzes the activities of the Commonwealth of Independent States as an organization of regional security. Despite the fact that after the collapse of the Soviet Union about 30 years have passed, the ruling elites of the New Independent States continue to search for their own vectors of foreign and defense policy. The author believes that in the pursuit of the many attributes of independence, these elites still have not defined clear boundaries for themselves where they can sacrifice national sovereignty for the benefit of their own development, but in close cooperation with their neighbors. The CIS, as an umbrella association of the post-Soviet republics, continues to be a platform for dialogue between the leaders of the new generation, not connected by the Soviet past. Their foreign policy is dominated by pragmatism and multivectorness. Therefore, the absence of a rigid managerial dominance in the Commonwealth is for them the key to the success of this regional format. It seems that this means that, using the CIS as a convenient and non-binding stage for communication, the participating states will continue to search for themselves the most profitable areas of cooperation, even if through trial and error. In such a context, the main areas of cooperation will remain the fight against terrorism and organized crime, as well as the use of Russian experience in reflecting new challenges and threats. ; В статье анализируется деятельность Содружества Независимых Государств как организации региональной безопасности. Несмотря на то, что после распада Советского Союза прошло около 30 лет, правящие элиты Новых Независимых Государств продолжают поиски собственных векторов внешней и оборонной политики. Автор полагает, что в погоне за многочисленными атрибутами независимости, эти элиты до сих пор не определили для себя четкие границы, где можно поступиться национальным суверенитетом во благо собственного развития, но в рамках тесного сотрудничества с соседями. СНГ как зонтичное объединение постсоветских республик по-прежнему остается площадкой для диалога лидеров нового поколения, не связанного советским прошлым. В их внешней политике доминируют прагматизм и многовекторность. Поэтому отсутствие в Содружестве жесткой управленческой доминанты является для них залогом успешности данного регионального формата. Как представляется, это значит, что, используя СНГ, как удобную и не обязывающую ни к чему сцену для общения, государства-участники будут по-прежнему искать для себя наиболее выгодные сферы сотрудничества — пусть даже методом проб и ошибок. В подобном контексте, главными направлениями взаимодействия будут оставаться борьба с терроризмом и организованной преступностью, а также использование российского опыта в отражении новых вызовов и угроз.