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The concept of competitiveness has always been a subject of a great interest for researches, politicians and people, involved in practical business. Initially, the notion of competitiveness was related to firm, i.e., micro-economic level. The competitiveness at macro-economic level was analyzed for the first time by M. Porter, who in 1990 has extended and applied his model of the competitive advantage of firms to the competitive advantage of nations, regions and places or "locations" generally. Due to the process of globalization, the concept of national and regional competitiveness has attracted a lot of attention and increasingly been adopted as a policy tool. The necessity of proper analysis of the regional competitiveness concept brings the recognition, that the drivers of national competitiveness have become more local and the regions increasingly become the engines of the global economy, as the globalization blurs national borders. The regionalization of public policies moves the economic coordination and steering functions from the national state up to the international and down to regional level. The compelling reason for focusing on the competitiveness of regions lies also in the changing patterns of private investment flows. Privatized companies, institutional investors and various investment funds are being forced to diversity their portfolios and to put substantial amounts of money in property – geographically dispersed over unfamiliar territories. As researches. [to full text]

The concept of competitiveness has always been a subject of a great interest for researches, politicians and people, involved in practical business. Initially, the notion of competitiveness was related to firm, i.e., micro-economic level. The competitiveness at macro-economic level was analyzed for the first time by M. Porter, who in 1990 has extended and applied his model of the competitive advantage of firms to the competitive advantage of nations, regions and places or "locations" generally. Due to the process of globalization, the concept of national and regional competitiveness has attracted a lot of attention and increasingly been adopted as a policy tool. The necessity of proper analysis of the regional competitiveness concept brings the recognition, that the drivers of national competitiveness have become more local and the regions increasingly become the engines of the global economy, as the globalization blurs national borders. The regionalization of public policies moves the economic coordination and steering functions from the national state up to the international and down to regional level. The compelling reason for focusing on the competitiveness of regions lies also in the changing patterns of private investment flows. Privatized companies, institutional investors and various investment funds are being forced to diversity their portfolios and to put substantial amounts of money in property – geographically dispersed over unfamiliar territories. As researches. [to full text]

The concept of competitiveness has always been a subject of a great interest for researches, politicians and people, involved in practical business. Initially, the notion of competitiveness was related to firm, i.e., micro-economic level. The competitiveness at macro-economic level was analyzed for the first time by M. Porter, who in 1990 has extended and applied his model of the competitive advantage of firms to the competitive advantage of nations, regions and places or "locations" generally. Due to the process of globalization, the concept of national and regional competitiveness has attracted a lot of attention and increasingly been adopted as a policy tool. The necessity of proper analysis of the regional competitiveness concept brings the recognition, that the drivers of national competitiveness have become more local and the regions increasingly become the engines of the global economy, as the globalization blurs national borders. The regionalization of public policies moves the economic coordination and steering functions from the national state up to the international and down to regional level. The compelling reason for focusing on the competitiveness of regions lies also in the changing patterns of private investment flows. Privatized companies, institutional investors and various investment funds are being forced to diversity their portfolios and to put substantial amounts of money in property – geographically dispersed over unfamiliar territories. As researches. [to full text]

The concept of competitiveness has always been a subject of a great interest for researches, politicians and people, involved in practical business. Initially, the notion of competitiveness was related to firm, i.e., micro-economic level. The competitiveness at macro-economic level was analyzed for the first time by M. Porter, who in 1990 has extended and applied his model of the competitive advantage of firms to the competitive advantage of nations, regions and places or "locations" generally. Due to the process of globalization, the concept of national and regional competitiveness has attracted a lot of attention and increasingly been adopted as a policy tool. The necessity of proper analysis of the regional competitiveness concept brings the recognition, that the drivers of national competitiveness have become more local and the regions increasingly become the engines of the global economy, as the globalization blurs national borders. The regionalization of public policies moves the economic coordination and steering functions from the national state up to the international and down to regional level. The compelling reason for focusing on the competitiveness of regions lies also in the changing patterns of private investment flows. Privatized companies, institutional investors and various investment funds are being forced to diversity their portfolios and to put substantial amounts of money in property – geographically dispersed over unfamiliar territories. As researches. [to full text]

The concept of competitiveness has always been a subject of a great interest for researches, politicians and people, involved in practical business. Initially, the notion of competitiveness was related to firm, i.e., micro-economic level. The competitiveness at macro-economic level was analyzed for the first time by M. Porter, who in 1990 has extended and applied his model of the competitive advantage of firms to the competitive advantage of nations, regions and places or "locations" generally. Due to the process of globalization, the concept of national and regional competitiveness has attracted a lot of attention and increasingly been adopted as a policy tool. The necessity of proper analysis of the regional competitiveness concept brings the recognition, that the drivers of national competitiveness have become more local and the regions increasingly become the engines of the global economy, as the globalization blurs national borders. The regionalization of public policies moves the economic coordination and steering functions from the national state up to the international and down to regional level. The compelling reason for focusing on the competitiveness of regions lies also in the changing patterns of private investment flows. Privatized companies, institutional investors and various investment funds are being forced to diversity their portfolios and to put substantial amounts of money in property – geographically dispersed over unfamiliar territories. As researches. [to full text]

The purpose of this article is the analysis of security situation in the South Asian region. It is constructed by using the combination of three theories – Regional security complex, Securitization, and New regionalism. The combination of those theories forms the basis for security analysis within the region. Analysis of security threats is constructed by combining postmodern discursive – subjective and objective security perceptions. The article also takes into consideration the globalization's impact on transnational security threats within the region. The security dynamics of South Asian regional security complex are determined by historical, geographical, geopolitical, ethnical and religion related aspects. The basic problem that impedes the development of the region, and determines security dynamics – is conflicts within South Asia. Those conflicts are followed by vast flows of refugees, and tensions among regional countries. South Asia is a standard regional security complex with the bipolar division of power between India and Pakistan. The level of regional security complex is strongly determined by Kashmir'S conflict that gives the key feature for regional transformation to a higher level of regioness - regional society. Obviously the elimination of tensions between those two countries would strengthen the regionalization processes. The possible transition from standard to central regional security complex is also determined by India's ambitions, outward orientation and weakness of Pakistan. In South Asian regional security complex exist traditional model of power balance and an anarchic structure, that means that countries have securitized each other as potential security threats and there are no clear improvements towards cooperation in security sphere (except economic cooperation).[.].

The purpose of this article is the analysis of security situation in the South Asian region. It is constructed by using the combination of three theories – Regional security complex, Securitization, and New regionalism. The combination of those theories forms the basis for security analysis within the region. Analysis of security threats is constructed by combining postmodern discursive – subjective and objective security perceptions. The article also takes into consideration the globalization's impact on transnational security threats within the region. The security dynamics of South Asian regional security complex are determined by historical, geographical, geopolitical, ethnical and religion related aspects. The basic problem that impedes the development of the region, and determines security dynamics – is conflicts within South Asia. Those conflicts are followed by vast flows of refugees, and tensions among regional countries. South Asia is a standard regional security complex with the bipolar division of power between India and Pakistan. The level of regional security complex is strongly determined by Kashmir'S conflict that gives the key feature for regional transformation to a higher level of regioness - regional society. Obviously the elimination of tensions between those two countries would strengthen the regionalization processes. The possible transition from standard to central regional security complex is also determined by India's ambitions, outward orientation and weakness of Pakistan. In South Asian regional security complex exist traditional model of power balance and an anarchic structure, that means that countries have securitized each other as potential security threats and there are no clear improvements towards cooperation in security sphere (except economic cooperation).[.].

The paper deals with the specific features of the construction of an international identity by the EU & Lithuania. We do this by comparing the narrative of "Normative Power Europe" to that of "Lithuania, the regional center." The term "Normative Power Europe," though in use for some two years, still has no clear-cut place in the studies of European integration. So in the paper we first try to explicate its content by drawing a contrast with the more familiar concept of "civil power." We show that the term is an attempt at a new conceptualization of a problem that has been on the agenda of constructivist international relations studies for some time already, namely, that of the power of ideas in international politics. "Normative Power Europe" is defined as a discursive practice, as a narrative shaping the EU as a unique political institution which, by realizing itself via free exchange of ideas & opinions, is capable of changing the "normalcy" perception in international relations. In the EU political discourse the identity of EU as a normative power is constructed via the contrast of EU/USA politics, with America conceived as Europe's "Other." Next, in analyzing Lithuania's foreign politics in the context of the EU New Neighborhood Policy, we draw the parallels in the narratives made use of in constructing the identities of EU & Lithuania. A brief examination of the narrative "Lithuania, the regional center" shows its similarity to the narrative of "Normative Power Europe." First, the "Normative Power Europe" & the "Lithuania, the regional center" are both discursive constructions of their international identity. Second, both narratives are promoting a normative model, based on similar values & principles. Third, in both narratives regionalization is held a major instrument in spreading the values conducive to the creation of a common identity. Finally, both narratives perceive the common regional identity as a major security guarantee. The conclusion is that the narrative of "Lithuania, the regional center" is merely a nationalist replica of the "Normative Power Europe," with some peculiarities to be explained by differences in historical context & Lithuania's specifics in domestic politics. These are mainly due to Lithuania's attempt at reconciling her nation state identity & the ambitions of an active actor of the EU Common Foreign & Security Policy. Adapted from the source document.

In the thesis transformation of the international organizations will be analyzed. Nation-state foreign policy approach will be applied to the analysis, because international organizations are a peculiar kind of political systems. This leads to the general key research question: how and why do international organizations change? The methodological purpose of the thesis is too show the limits of existing scholarship on international organizations, because they neglect the external factors behind actual change within international organizations. The organizations NATO and the UN were chosen as cases. The UN from an international law point of view is undeniably the most important IO and the only truly system-wide IO; whereas NATO is seen by many as simply the strongest IO due to its combined military strength. In the thesis it will be argued that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 served as an external shock and had an empirical effect on NATO and the UN. The main empirical aim of the analysis is to explore 9/11 effect upon two cases of IOs, namely the UN and NATO, in an attempt to gain better understanding of their transformation processes. The intention is also to explore the further effect of this change upon the security policy situation of small states. The research question of the thesis: how and why were the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization affected by the events of 9/11? Therefore the following tasks are set in the analysis: 1. to construct an approach to the study of change within international organizations applying nation-state foreign policy approach; 2. to analyse the effect of the end of the Cold War upon NATO and the UN; 3. to elaborate on the UN and NATO policy change following to 9/11 terrorist attacks upon the United States and evaluate the strength of NATO and the UN in terms of their commonality, specificity and autonomy; 4. to explore the further effect of the change in the UN and NATO upon the security policy situation of small states. Analysis confirmed that paradigmatic and radical changes in IOs are due to the external dynamics: external shocks, that is. The analysis showed that the influence of the external shocks significantly depends on how it challenges the original purpose and activities of the organizations. Applying Charles Hermann's (1990) external shock framework showed that the end of the Cold War and the events of 9/11 had bigger impact on NATO than the UN. However, the UN experienced minor adjustment as it had to deal with slight program (after the Cold War) and goal (after 9/11) changes. As predicted, the shift from regional issues to global area is not effects small countries negatively. The de-regionalization of both IOs cases makes small member states feel left behind and less solidarity. Although Denmark and Lithuania declare full support to the NATO and UN activities and understand that changes are necessary for the organizations, they are deeply concerned about the global shift of the organizations as the change effects their security policy. In the analysis the comparative and descriptive analytical method is being used.

In the thesis transformation of the international organizations will be analyzed. Nation-state foreign policy approach will be applied to the analysis, because international organizations are a peculiar kind of political systems. This leads to the general key research question: how and why do international organizations change? The methodological purpose of the thesis is too show the limits of existing scholarship on international organizations, because they neglect the external factors behind actual change within international organizations. The organizations NATO and the UN were chosen as cases. The UN from an international law point of view is undeniably the most important IO and the only truly system-wide IO; whereas NATO is seen by many as simply the strongest IO due to its combined military strength. In the thesis it will be argued that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 served as an external shock and had an empirical effect on NATO and the UN. The main empirical aim of the analysis is to explore 9/11 effect upon two cases of IOs, namely the UN and NATO, in an attempt to gain better understanding of their transformation processes. The intention is also to explore the further effect of this change upon the security policy situation of small states. The research question of the thesis: how and why were the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization affected by the events of 9/11? Therefore the following tasks are set in the analysis: 1. to construct an approach to the study of change within international organizations applying nation-state foreign policy approach; 2. to analyse the effect of the end of the Cold War upon NATO and the UN; 3. to elaborate on the UN and NATO policy change following to 9/11 terrorist attacks upon the United States and evaluate the strength of NATO and the UN in terms of their commonality, specificity and autonomy; 4. to explore the further effect of the change in the UN and NATO upon the security policy situation of small states. Analysis confirmed that paradigmatic and radical changes in IOs are due to the external dynamics: external shocks, that is. The analysis showed that the influence of the external shocks significantly depends on how it challenges the original purpose and activities of the organizations. Applying Charles Hermann's (1990) external shock framework showed that the end of the Cold War and the events of 9/11 had bigger impact on NATO than the UN. However, the UN experienced minor adjustment as it had to deal with slight program (after the Cold War) and goal (after 9/11) changes. As predicted, the shift from regional issues to global area is not effects small countries negatively. The de-regionalization of both IOs cases makes small member states feel left behind and less solidarity. Although Denmark and Lithuania declare full support to the NATO and UN activities and understand that changes are necessary for the organizations, they are deeply concerned about the global shift of the organizations as the change effects their security policy. In the analysis the comparative and descriptive analytical method is being used.

In the thesis transformation of the international organizations will be analyzed. Nation-state foreign policy approach will be applied to the analysis, because international organizations are a peculiar kind of political systems. This leads to the general key research question: how and why do international organizations change? The methodological purpose of the thesis is too show the limits of existing scholarship on international organizations, because they neglect the external factors behind actual change within international organizations. The organizations NATO and the UN were chosen as cases. The UN from an international law point of view is undeniably the most important IO and the only truly system-wide IO; whereas NATO is seen by many as simply the strongest IO due to its combined military strength. In the thesis it will be argued that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 served as an external shock and had an empirical effect on NATO and the UN. The main empirical aim of the analysis is to explore 9/11 effect upon two cases of IOs, namely the UN and NATO, in an attempt to gain better understanding of their transformation processes. The intention is also to explore the further effect of this change upon the security policy situation of small states. The research question of the thesis: how and why were the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization affected by the events of 9/11? Therefore the following tasks are set in the analysis: 1. to construct an approach to the study of change within international organizations applying nation-state foreign policy approach; 2. to analyse the effect of the end of the Cold War upon NATO and the UN; 3. to elaborate on the UN and NATO policy change following to 9/11 terrorist attacks upon the United States and evaluate the strength of NATO and the UN in terms of their commonality, specificity and autonomy; 4. to explore the further effect of the change in the UN and NATO upon the security policy situation of small states. Analysis confirmed that paradigmatic and radical changes in IOs are due to the external dynamics: external shocks, that is. The analysis showed that the influence of the external shocks significantly depends on how it challenges the original purpose and activities of the organizations. Applying Charles Hermann's (1990) external shock framework showed that the end of the Cold War and the events of 9/11 had bigger impact on NATO than the UN. However, the UN experienced minor adjustment as it had to deal with slight program (after the Cold War) and goal (after 9/11) changes. As predicted, the shift from regional issues to global area is not effects small countries negatively. The de-regionalization of both IOs cases makes small member states feel left behind and less solidarity. Although Denmark and Lithuania declare full support to the NATO and UN activities and understand that changes are necessary for the organizations, they are deeply concerned about the global shift of the organizations as the change effects their security policy. In the analysis the comparative and descriptive analytical method is being used.