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Politics is here defined as an activity & an area of human life that concerns power & its exercise. Though power by itself is morally neutral, it often serves as a means of enslaving other people & as such is a moral challenge for Christianity. Christianity does not give precedence to a certain political philosophy nor does it proscribe a certain form of government. However, the Christian understanding of love is a source from which many principles that serve as Christians' guidelines in politics spring: restraint, patience, readiness to compromise, recognition of one's mistakes, not yielding to hate. Christianity equally opposes anational cosmopolitanism & xenophobic nationalism & is in favor of patriotism & altruism as complementary virtues. In conclusion, the author deals with the harrowing political heritage & stresses the importance of a catharsis that should facilitate the transition to a democratic society & politics. Adapted from the source document.

The author is of the opinion that Croatia has a singular tradition of Christian democracy represented by the political program of the Croatian Party of Rights after 1894, by the populist politics & policies of the Croatian Peasants' Party. The European experience in posttotalitarian societies shows that Christian democracy is a sine qua non for the renewal of the legal system & the system of values & should be taken into account in Croatia. Following the 1989 collapse of communism in Croatia, only a national-populist party could have gained political clout. That was why the Croatian Christian Democratic Party of Ivan Cesar was envisaged as a long-term political project. By bringing together all Christian democratic & populist parties within the Croatian Christian democratic union, a genuine political power could sprout that might be a force to reckon with when outlining Croatia's future political identity. Adapted from the source document.

Politics is here defined as an activity & an area of human life that concerns power & its exercise. Though power by itself is morally neutral, it often serves as a means of enslaving other people & as such is a moral challenge for Christianity. Christianity does not give precedence to a certain political philosophy nor does it proscribe a certain form of government. However, the Christian understanding of love is a source from which many principles that serve as Christians' guidelines in politics spring: restraint, patience, readiness to compromise, recognition of one's mistakes, not yielding to hate. Christianity equally opposes anational cosmopolitanism & xenophobic nationalism & is in favor of patriotism & altruism as complementary virtues. In conclusion, the author deals with the harrowing political heritage & stresses the importance of a catharsis that should facilitate the transition to a democratic society & politics. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the role of religion in the formation of national identities in Central & Eastern Europe on the example of the Catholic Church in Poland in the 20th century. In Poland, like in most Central-European & Eastern-European societies, national identity developed against the state & was founded on certain elements of ethnic culture & tradition, the central position belonging to the Church. During communism, the Polish Catholic Church had the leading position in the construction of national identity, which identified Polishness with Catholicism. The Church also had a crucial role in the destruction of the communist system. However, it has found it increasingly difficult to adapt to the new conditions of political democracy as well as ideological & cultural pluralism. As has been sown through the debates on abortion & religious education in state schools, the attempt by the Church to achieve the statues of moral arbiter, above all democratic institutions, has resulted in new divisions & jeopardized its influence in the society. 7 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author argues that democracy is not appropriate for the resolution of the relationship between law & the democratically conditioned state authority in the multinational Europe. The so-called democratic deficit should be understood not only as the empirical fact of a multinational Europe, but also as a paradoxical structural attribute of modern political thought from Kant until today. The author claims that the people should not rule as they might violate all the laws they enacted themselves. Thus the question of the equality of citizens cannot be a democratic one but legal & constitutional. Democracy cannot lay claim to be the sole provider of the legal equality of citizens just as law cannot be the only arbiter in making democratic distinctions among them. Since democracy should be understood as an independent autopoietic & autoimmune medium relatively independent of political power & legal constraints as its setting, the author concludes that the existing forms of immediate & representative democracy, as well as of the traditional form of democratic decision/making represent a risk of regressive progress in Europe in the direction of democracy limited by nation, religion or by class. Adapted from the source document.

"בשיחה מזמין אותנו אמיר אור למגוון רחב של תחומי עיון וחקירה: היסטוריה, חברה, מקרא, דתות, ספרות, שפה ופילוסופיה. כתיבתו התייחדה לאורך השנים כקול רענן, ומקורי בשיח התרבות בארץ, ומציעה מבחר נושאים לא קונוונציונלי לצד התבוננות חדשה ולעתים נון־קונפורמיסטית בסוגיות ויצירות קלסיות. הארודיציה והמנעד המחקרי של אור ניכרים בכתיבתו, ועם זאת הוא אינו כותב בז'רגון אקדמי, ומסותיו קולחות, מדברות, ופונות אל שוחרי התרבות והדעת באשר הם. רבים ממאמריו הם בבחינת חידוש בכיכר העיר של התרבות הישראלית. המסות והמאמרים התפרסמו מאז 1988 בבמות תרבות וספרות מרכזיות, ביניהן "הארץ", "ידיעות אחרונות", "דבר", "מעריב", "זמנים", "פוליטיקה", "הליקון", "חדרים" ו"עכשיו", וכן בתרגום, בכתבי עת באירופה, ארה"ב ויפן"--

In the course of its history, Europe has structured itself by means of two models. The first was based on the territorial expansion of regional forces that used violence to break down the resistance of their weaker neighbors & establish the balance of power. In this way, at least temporarily, the way was paved for more radical changes in their polities. This model was in use until the end of WWII. The second model has been built around European integration. The aim of this process has not been the expansion of regional powers & the territorial conquest of their neighbors; it is based on the initiative of the weak to join the organizations that can satisfy their interests & goals. The process of integration excludes coercive methods. However, there is certain asymmetry in the relationship between the center & the periphery (the strong & the weak). The countries that belong to the center define the membership standards for the 'periphery' & evaluate their implementation. The 'central' countries are in a better position than the peripheral ones since the process of integration bolsters their collective identity, while the weaker states -- by accepting the standards of stronger countries -- have to alter their original identity. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author defines the concepts of church, politics, & state within the framework of Catholicism. The Catholic Church is defined as a community of believers, radically declericalized following the Second Vatican Council. Politics is viewed as public activity with a view to achieving the common good within a political community, which is a broader concept than a state. The state & public authority are but agents of political communities in the service of the common good. Such a definition is diametrically opposed to the totalitarian views of the state as a self-purposeful entity superimposed on political communities & societies. The Christian foundation for understanding the relationship between the Church & the state is an individual & his/her conscience. The Church is independent of the state but, within its field of competences, it nevertheless includes certain secular functions: it protects the dignity of man, strengthens social solidarity, & gives meaning to ordinary human existence. Regardless of its role in a society, the Church has given the nod to discretionary participation (individual & collective) of the faithful in politics. Adapted from the source document.

The author defines the concepts of church, politics, & state within the framework of Catholicism. The Catholic Church is defined as a community of believers, radically declericalized following the Second Vatican Council. Politics is viewed as public activity with a view to achieving the common good within a political community, which is a broader concept than a state. The state & public authority are but agents of political communities in the service of the common good. Such a definition is diametrically opposed to the totalitarian views of the state as a self-purposeful entity superimposed on political communities & societies. The Christian foundation for understanding the relationship between the Church & the state is an individual & his/her conscience. The Church is independent of the state but, within its field of competences, it nevertheless includes certain secular functions: it protects the dignity of man, strengthens social solidarity, & gives meaning to ordinary human existence. Regardless of its role in a society, the Church has given the nod to discretionary participation (individual & collective) of the faithful in politics. Adapted from the source document.

The author reminds us that only after the Second Vatican Council did Catholicism change its reserved stance regarding contemporary politics & economy by starting to advocate a more positive political involvement of Catholic laity. However, it can be said that the political activism of Catholics confined to Christian-Democratic parties came to grief. This has been not solely the consequence of the ethical decadence of Christian Democratic politicians but also of increased secularization, which calls for a variety of forms of political activism on the part of Christians. Regarding the structuring of economy, the author goes along with the widespread belief in the superiority of capitalism over a totalitarian communist economy. At the same time, however, Christianity cannot accept "rampant capitalism" nor accept profit as the sole measure of good economic management, but must voice its views for social & humanistic correctives. Adapted from the source document.

Ein Memorbuch ist nach jüdischer Überlieferung ein Totengedenkbuch mit den Namen von Menschen, die ihrer jüdischen Religion wegen umgebracht wurden. Dieses Memorbuch wurde vom Joseph-Carlebach-Institut (Israel) für den Verein jüdischer ehemaliger Schleswig-Holsteiner und Schleswig-Holsteinerinnen in Israel erarbeitet und verzeichnet 1750 Namen mit Eintragungen des Geburtsorts, Geburtsdatums, der Wohnorte, des Deportationsdatums, Deportationsortes und des Todesdatums ehemaliger Schleswig-Holsteiner, soweit diese Daten zu ermitteln waren. Gebete, Gedichte, Textbeiträge und Abbildungen begleiten die Dokumentation, die zeigt, an wievielen Orten hier es jüdische Mitbürger gab - eine heute kaum noch bekannte Tatsache. (I. Hanewald)

Finer investigated the phenomenon of politics in its spatial & temporal framework, trying to look into as many forms of government as possible & to find uniformity in their variety. He paid particular attention to a study of institutions of government, which he considered the core of politics. His investigations focused on the state. By condensing the consequences of the emergence of the state on the forms of government, Finer came up with two variables: the extent to which rulers establish a standardized central administration & the extent to which homogeneous culture, religion, & laws are achieved. The second important topic in Finer's research was military organization. He wanted to demonstrate how the survival of a state, international order, social distribution of power, governing, the degree of bureaucratization, & a regime's nature, are intertwined with the structure of the state's military institutions. His opinion was that the military organization is necessary for the establishment & preservation of political communities, regimes, & governments. According to Finer, the state's key functions are preparing for wars, waging wars, reconstructing the country after wars, & expecting the next war. Finer's third topic is the relationship between political & religious systems of belief. He stressed their dualistic nature, with two more or less independent hierarchies that have been a source of serious tensions. Furthermore, Finer links the existing system of beliefs, social stratification, & political institutions. Where these factors are balanced, the political community achieves permanent stability. 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

Das Glossar präsentiert die Belege für die hebräische und aramäische Fachsprache des biblisch-jüdischen Rechts von den biblischen Zeugnissen bis zum Abschluss des babylonischen Talmud und bietet neue Möglichkeiten im Rahmen der vergleichenden antiken Rechtsgeschichte. Der zwischen Kontinuität und Neuschöpfungen wechselnde Sprachgebrauch bezeugt die zeitlich wie regional differenzierte Anwendung rechtlicher Normen und Institutionen. Nicht zuletzt erleichtert es das Verständnis zahlreicher biblischer Passagen, auch im NT und in der frühchristlichen Literatur

The Christian (Catholic) tradition has taken deep roots in Croatia. The new political structure has enabled the revival of the Catholic tradition not only at the level of human rights & freedoms but at the level of political activism as well (Christian-democratic parties). Christian values, important for the economic, political, cultural, & moral life, which have been advocated by the Catholic Church in its social teachings, are no longer marginalized in Croatia. On the other hand, liberal values of democratic capitalism of the West have also significantly increased its sway over Croatian economy & politics. Although the recent history of the relation between liberalism & Christianity does not give evidence of their mutual respect regarding freedom & democracy (but of a critical distance, rather), the reality of democratic capitalism (US, for example) points to the necessity of establishing new relations. Croatia is a suitable space in which the relationship between the liberal & the Catholic values may change from the critical to the constructive distance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.