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Dans son principe, le salafisme ambitionne de revenir aux sources de la religion, vise le dépassement des écoles juridiques sunnites (madhâhib) et se perçoit ainsi comme universel et atemporel. Ces prétentions à l'apolitisme et à l'universalisme apparaissent toutefois rapidement comme des leurres. A partir de l'exemple du courant salafi contemporain au Yémen qui s'auto-désigne par le nom d'ahl al-sunna (gens de la Tradition), cette contribution entend analyser les processus d'adaptation, les dynamiques internes et les phénomènes d'instrumentalisation qui malgré tout placent le salafisme au cœur du champ politique et fondent ce qui peut être appelé une illusion apolitique. Dépassant la monographie du salafisme yéménite, cette étude vise à favoriser la compréhension, par delà les a priori, de l'insertion politique d'un courant « apolitique » qui ne saurait être limitée à sa composante violente dite « jihadiste ».

Dans son principe, le salafisme ambitionne de revenir aux sources de la religion, vise le dépassement des écoles juridiques sunnites (madhâhib) et se perçoit ainsi comme universel et atemporel. Ces prétentions à l'apolitisme et à l'universalisme apparaissent toutefois rapidement comme des leurres. A partir de l'exemple du courant salafi contemporain au Yémen qui s'auto-désigne par le nom d'ahl al-sunna (gens de la Tradition), cette contribution entend analyser les processus d'adaptation, les dynamiques internes et les phénomènes d'instrumentalisation qui malgré tout placent le salafisme au cœur du champ politique et fondent ce qui peut être appelé une illusion apolitique. Dépassant la monographie du salafisme yéménite, cette étude vise à favoriser la compréhension, par delà les a priori, de l'insertion politique d'un courant « apolitique » qui ne saurait être limitée à sa composante violente dite « jihadiste ».

The rise of political Salafism has reshaped the Egyptian political scene. Though the Muslim Brotherhood still occupies the dominant position, it has lost its hegemony over Islamist politics. The relationship between Salafis and the Brotherhood has evolved since the revolution, from discrete cooperation to fierce competition. The final outcome of this competition remains uncertain. It could end up pushing the Salafis to a more intransigent stance intended to distinguish them from the "responsible" and "pragmatic" Brotherhood. Alternatively, it could convince the Salafis to fully embrace a more pragmatic politics themselves. This question is also closely related to that of the relationship between the Nour Party and its parent movement, the Salafi Da'wa. To what extent will the party manage to assert its political independence? For the moment, it is significant that the Nour Party and other established Salafi groups have seemed more inclined to follow a gradual and pragmatic path rather than to bend to the pressure of their own idealists, as the backing of moderate Islamist Abdel Moneim Abul Futuh indicates. What remains to be seen, however, is the extent to which the Salafi leadership will be able to impose this shift on the movement's constituency. The defeat of Abul Futuh in the first round of presidential elections, arguably because a significant proportion of Salafis' were reluctant to back a "liberal" candidate, illustrates the difficulties ahead for the leadership, should the latter decide to continue on the same path. How should we make sense of the Salafi breakthrough? And now that they represent the second strongest force in parliament, what lies ahead for their movement?

The rise of political Salafism has reshaped the Egyptian political scene. Though the Muslim Brotherhood still occupies the dominant position, it has lost its hegemony over Islamist politics. The relationship between Salafis and the Brotherhood has evolved since the revolution, from discrete cooperation to fierce competition. The final outcome of this competition remains uncertain. It could end up pushing the Salafis to a more intransigent stance intended to distinguish them from the "responsible" and "pragmatic" Brotherhood. Alternatively, it could convince the Salafis to fully embrace a more pragmatic politics themselves. This question is also closely related to that of the relationship between the Nour Party and its parent movement, the Salafi Da'wa. To what extent will the party manage to assert its political independence? For the moment, it is significant that the Nour Party and other established Salafi groups have seemed more inclined to follow a gradual and pragmatic path rather than to bend to the pressure of their own idealists, as the backing of moderate Islamist Abdel Moneim Abul Futuh indicates. What remains to be seen, however, is the extent to which the Salafi leadership will be able to impose this shift on the movement's constituency. The defeat of Abul Futuh in the first round of presidential elections, arguably because a significant proportion of Salafis' were reluctant to back a "liberal" candidate, illustrates the difficulties ahead for the leadership, should the latter decide to continue on the same path. How should we make sense of the Salafi breakthrough? And now that they represent the second strongest force in parliament, what lies ahead for their movement?

Frontmatter -- FOREWORD -- EXECUTIVE SUMMARY -- INTRODUCTION -- TRADITIONALISM, MODERNISM, AND SALAFI-WAHHABISM -- ISLAMIC ORGANIZATIONS IN BATAM -- BATAM MUSLIMS AND TRADITIONALISTS -- THE SINGAPORE DIMENSION -- CONCLUSION: EXCLUSIVISM AND TRADITIONALISM -- REFERENCES

Artikel ini membahas tentang satu dari sekian organisasi fundamentalisme Islam di Indonesia, yaitu Jamaah Salafi. Secara spesifik, naskah ini menyuguhkan diskusi menarik perihal perubahan ideologi dan gerakan Salafidari sebuah pergerakan Islam yang pada awalnya menghindari hiruk pikuk politik, kemudian berubah menjadi doktrin yang menginisiasi kemunculan benih-benih gerakan jihadis.Transformasi gerakan ini mulanya bertujuan sangat mulia ingin mengangkat kesejahteraan umat Islam secara keseluruhan, namun doktrin jihadis yang dibenihkan justru berakhir dengan munculnya kekacauan global. Lebih jauh bahwa artikel ini juga menjelaskan tentang bagaimana kelompok Salafi Jihadis berbicara tentang geopolitik global, Khilafah Islam, serta ketidakadilan sosial yang dialami umat Islam. Dalam perspektif mereka, sudah waktunya bagi umat Islam untuk terlibat dalam percaturan politik global, sebab kemiskinan dan keterpurukan yang dialami negara-negara Islam pasca Perang Dingin usai, tidak lain diakibatkan kolonialisme melalui perekonomian dan politik global oleh bangsa-bangsa Barat.