This article raises questions related to the political interpretation of A.I. Solzhenitsyn. It is demonstrated that Solzhenitsyn's work in this aspect can be described as a political and philosophical legitimation of the project of "conservative modernity". The main plot dominant in Solzhenitsyn's reflections is the political and philosophical criticism of Western secularism and its political consequences. Secularism is described by Solzhenitsyn as a "perversion" of the Christian idea, in this respect Bolshevism and Western liberalism are equated with each other, embodying the radical features of the Western modernist project. The main question that worries Solzhenitsyn: how is modernity possible, in which the basic Christian principles and rules are preserved and developed? The solution to this issue is connected with the political implementation of this project - the construction of a conservative version of democracy, in which the observance of human rights and the construction of a rule of law state is based on Christian, not secular values.
The article deals with the work of one of the most outstanding representative of modern Muslim reformation but still has not been thoroughly studied in our country, Egyptian sheikh Ali Abdarraziq (1888-1966), the author of a famous book "Islam and the Foundations of Political Power" (1925). He was the fi rst Muslim theologian who evoked the idea of desacralization of caliphate and argumented the statement that Divine Law, in its essence, has nothing to do with the organization of political power.In the first part the personality of Ali Abdarraziq is presented in the historical context, with a focus on a pressing struggle for the restauration of Caliphate abolishedin 1924 due to Kemalist reforms. Against this restauration, namely, Abdarraziq directed his book. Here is analyzed the sharp discussion raised by the book in wide circles of Egyptian society, its critics and court trial organized by the ulemas of al-Azhar.The work of Abdarraziq is to become the most disputable since the times of book-printing in the Arab countries. It infl uenced greatly the following Muslim thought and till now acts a so-called guiding star for the modernists-secularists in all the Islamic world. ; Данная статья посвящена одной из наиболее ярких, но мало изученных в нашей стране фигур современного мусульманского модернизма — египетскому шейху Али Абдарразику (1888–1966), автору книги «Ислам и принципы правления» (1925). Он первым из мусульманских богословов выступил за десакрализацию халифата, обосновав положение о том, что по своей сущности Божественный закон/шариат не имеет отношения к организации политической власти.В первой части статьи освещаются исторические события, послужившие причиной появления на свет книга Абдарразика. Главным образом это движение за реставрацию халифата, которое возникло после его отмены в 1924 г. в Турции в результате кемалистских реформ и против которого, собственно, и была направлена книга богослова. Исследуются дискуссия вокруг книги, ее критика и судебный процесс над автором, организованный улемами ал-Азхара.Сочинению Абдарразика суждено было стать самым дискутируемым со времен книгопечатания в арабских странах. Оно оказало мощное влияние на последующую мусульманскую мысль, выступая в качестве своего рода путеводной звезды для модернистов-секуляристов во всем исламском мире.
New forms of manifestations of religious intentions in socio-political space have constituted themselves as markers of transformation in the contemporary socio-political coordinates. Revision of the dominant traditional linear approaches placed the focus of ideological and political discussions about the correspondence of stable and variable, traditional and modern in a religious prism. Emerging new configurations in the public and private spheres mark transformation of the traditional relations between religion, society and the state corresponding to the logic of the project of modernity and the paradigm of secularization and require new interpretation optics. The contours of the new designs are evident in the contexts of new challenges and threats related to global political risks of religious terrorism, loss of monopoly on the description of reality, including moral connotations in the understanding of progress of the principle of secularism, with the increased importance of religious and confessional identity, civilizational, local and personal-individual levels, forming the hierarchy of values that determines horizons of public and personal goal setting. The penetration of religious meanings in the political and social reality of various areas, their incorporation into ideological discourses of identity build a wide variety of interpretations in the extreme poles of which is religious outline of internal and external threats to social stability and understanding of religion as a resource of optimization of the political system. Institutional, axiological and ontological projection refracts the religious factor in Russian society in polyvalent and nonlinear ways, reflecting the multidirectional vectors of ongoing transformation. On the basis of sociological data of The Institute of Sociology, RAS, the given article analyzes a number of subjects, reflecting qualitatively new social relationships. The emphasis is on multi-scale conflicts, correlation between the secular and the religious in the coordinates of importance of the democracy attributes and social significance of religion, institutional and value aspects as well as the dominant ideas in the Russian society about the role of Church, religion and religious faith in human life and society. Growing importance of religious factors and religious identities in contemporary conditions, the incorporation of religious meanings in different spheres of society intersect with ' the needs of ensuring the unity of values and stabilization of the social system, as well as close attention to Russian civilization experience. Despite increased sensitivity of contemporary debates on the tragectory of political practices in Russia, the religious factor could be a factor of social cohesion, determining the search of new forms of relations between the state and religious organizations based on the challenges and needs of society and identifying the need for improving mechanisms and practices of state-confessional relations.
Critical discourse analysis was used as a methodological and theoretical framework for studying materials. As a result, we have identified three dichotomies in the criticism of European values: (1) religion vs secularism, (2) collectivism (sobornost') vs individualism, (3) collective morality vs liberal moral pluralism. Within the period of 2006-2012, the Orthodox discourse has been appropriated in domestic agenda
В статье рассмотрены взаимоотношения государства и конфессий в современном российском обществе. Автор указывает на проблемы в государственно-конфессиональных отношениях. Анализ данных отношений показал необходимость изменений, которые должны основываться на принципе светскости ; The article deals with the relationship between the state and religions in modern Russian society. The author points to the problems in the state-confessional relations. Analysis of these relations showed the need for changes that should be based on the principle of secularism.
Annotation: In the submitted article the features of the concept of the Kingdom of God are considered, as it is expressed in the works of one of the leading theologians of the 20th century, Jurgen Moltmann. The categories of "new" and "coming" are indicated and analyzed as key components (attributes) of the concept, clarifying the process of integrating the Kingdom into the world. The idea of two aeons (centuries), coming and passing, is revealed, the interaction of which creates the apocalypticeschatological antagonism of the Kingdom in the present. The idea of "freedom" as the quintessence of the Kingdom is disclosed, which helps to understand the principles and nature of God's government better. In the context of the polemic with Gnosticism, the ecumenical scales of the Kingdom are described, including the entire totality of the transfigured being. Studying the concept, the author comes to the conclusion that it is relevant for a (post)secular society, open to new influences and transformations, which exactly bears the coming Kingdom. At the end of the article, we examine the relevance of Moltman's theological ideas in relation to the coronavirus. ; В представленной статье рассматриваются особенности концепта Царства Бога, как он выражен в работах одного из ведущих теологов XX века Юргена Мольтмана. Указываются и анализируютсякатегории "нового" и "грядущего", как ключевые составляющие (атрибуты) концепта, проясняющие процесс интеграции Царства в мир. Выявлена идея двух эонов (веков), грядущего и преходящего,взаимодействие которых создает апокалиптически-эсхатологический антагонизм Царства в настоящем. Раскрыта идея "свободы" как квинтэссенции Царства, что помогает лучше понимать принципы и характер Божьего правления. В контексте полемики с гностицизмом описаны вселенские масштабы Царства, включающего всю совокупность преображенного бытия. Исследуя концепт, автор приходит к выводу о егорелевантности для (пост)секулярного общества, открытого новым влияниям и преобразованиям, что как раз и несет в себе грядущее Царство. В конце статьи рассматривается релевантность теологических идей Мольтмана в связи с коронавирусом
Annotation: In the submitted article the features of the concept of the Kingdom of God are considered, as it is expressed in the works of one of the leading theologians of the 20th century, Jurgen Moltmann. The categories of "new" and "coming" are indicated and analyzed as key components (attributes) of the concept, clarifying the process of integrating the Kingdom into the world. The idea of two aeons (centuries), coming and passing, is revealed, the interaction of which creates the apocalypticeschatological antagonism of the Kingdom in the present. The idea of "freedom" as the quintessence of the Kingdom is disclosed, which helps to understand the principles and nature of God's government better. In the context of the polemic with Gnosticism, the ecumenical scales of the Kingdom are described, including the entire totality of the transfigured being. Studying the concept, the author comes to the conclusion that it is relevant for a (post)secular society, open to new influences and transformations, which exactly bears the coming Kingdom. At the end of the article, we examine the relevance of Moltman's theological ideas in relation to the coronavirus. ; В представленной статье рассматриваются особенности концепта Царства Бога, как он выражен в работах одного из ведущих теологов XX века Юргена Мольтмана. Указываются и анализируютсякатегории "нового" и "грядущего", как ключевые составляющие (атрибуты) концепта, проясняющие процесс интеграции Царства в мир. Выявлена идея двух эонов (веков), грядущего и преходящего,взаимодействие которых создает апокалиптически-эсхатологический антагонизм Царства в настоящем. Раскрыта идея "свободы" как квинтэссенции Царства, что помогает лучше понимать принципы и характер Божьего правления. В контексте полемики с гностицизмом описаны вселенские масштабы Царства, включающего всю совокупность преображенного бытия. Исследуя концепт, автор приходит к выводу о егорелевантности для (пост)секулярного общества, открытого новым влияниям и преобразованиям, что как раз и несет в себе грядущее Царство. В конце статьи рассматривается релевантность теологических идей Мольтмана в связи с коронавирусом
Although the Czech Republic is usually regarded as one of the most secular countries in Europe, current sociological surveys indicate that there is still a strong interest in supernatural and spiritual questions. This article begins by documenting the popularity of various religious concepts and then proceeds to analyse the socio-demographic factors that influence religious beliefs. The author tries to answer the question of whether and how people who believe in some kind of religious phenomenon differ in terms of sociodemographic characteristics from those who do not believe. There are two dimensions behind religious statements: a 'traditional' Christian outlook and an 'alternative' view connected with a belief in the power of magic. Further analyses indicated that traditional and alternative religious beliefs are connected with numerous socio-demographic characteristics, the most important of which is religious socialisation, measured by the frequency with which a person attended at religious services as a child and by the religious denomination of a person's mother.
The article deals with the implementation of the foundations of a secular state in such Russian mono-religious regions as the Republic of Ingushetia and the Chechen Republic. Since the formation of the Russian Federation, the legal framework of the Chechen Republic and the Republic of Ingushetia has evolved in the light of national and religious characteristics. The most significant was the influence of Islam. The federal secular legislation has been developed in various forms and ways of expression, taking into account Islamic characteristics.Each of the republics is analyzed for violation of the criteria of secularity, specified in Article 14 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and Article 4 of Federal Law No. 125 "On Freedom of Conscience and on Religious Associations". ; В статье рассматривается реализация основ светского государства в таких российских монорелигиозных регионах, как Республика Ингушетия и Чеченская Республика. С момента образования Российской Федерации правовое поле Чеченской Республики и Республики Ингушетия развивалось с учетом национальных и религиозных особенностей. Наиболее существенным оказалось влияние ислама. Федеральное светское законодательство получило развитие в разных формах и способах выражения, учитывающих исламские особенности.Каждая из республик проанализирована на факт нарушения критериев светскости, указанных в ст. 14 Конституции РФ и ст. 4, Федерального закона №125 «О свободе совести и о религиозных объединениях».
This article deals with the phenomenon of "digital anti-clericalism" in the Russian-speaking sphere of the Internet (Runet). In the context of post-secularism the claims of Russian clerical and bureaucratic elites to the ideological monopoly in the political and social life face a strong resistance from the champions of religious pluralism and preservation of a secular state. Presented here is a detailed analysis of the topics and the stylistic features of different types of anti-clerical Internet communication – a variety of political folklore (memes, demotivators, photoshopped pictures). Also traced is the connection between the modern anti-clericalism on Runet and the late Soviet counter-culture. Suggested for the first time is a classification of anticlerical and atheist websites that constitute a vital part of the Russian blogosphere.
The study of the relationship between politics and religion is important to understand the current society of Bangladesh. It is believed that the reason for the separation of the Indian subcontinent into two parts: India and Pakistan was a religious factor. East Bengal became part of Pakistan, called East Pakistan. In Pakistan Islam was the state religion, which was reflected in the entire social life of Bengalis. In East Pakistan, most of the people are Bengalis and speak in Bangla, culture, traditions and way of life were historically connected with the peoples of India. In Pakistan, the state language was Urdu. The authorities of west Pakistan pressed the people of East Pakistan to study Urdu in educational institutions, tried to ignore the Bangla language, limiting the activities of newspapers and radio, which caused discontent among the population. A considerable time in educational institutions was devoted to the study of religion. Many decisions of local authorities were adopted and executed on the behalf of Islam. The authorities of Pakistan suppressed the people with this policy by mass repressions. Particularly bloody repressions against the Bengali people were held in 1971. As a result of a popular uprising, armed struggle and the expulsion of troops, this part of Pakistan has become an independent country. In 1972, after the establishment of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, secularism became one of the fundamental principles of the Constitution of Bangladesh. The article analyzes the political process through which religion becomes part of politics, using the historical method of research. Although the Constitution says that religion is separated from the state, but until now religion is considered a very important factor in the politics of Bangladesh. ; Исследование отношений между политикой и религией представляется важным для понимания современного состояния общества в Бангладеш. Считается, что причиной разделения индийского субконтинента на две части - Индию и Пакистан - явился религиозный фактор. Восточная Бенгалия стала частью Пакистана, которая была названа Восточным Пакистаном. В Пакистане ислам стал государственной религией, что отражалось и на всей социальной жизни бенгальцев. Основное население Восточного Пакистана - это бенгальцы, говорящие на языке бенгали (бенгальский), чьи культура, традиции и образ жизни исторически связаны с народами Индии. В Пакистане государственный язык урду. Власти ввели обязательное изучение урду в учебных заведениях, в том числе и Восточного Пакистана, пытались принизить значение бенгальского языка, ограничив ведение журналистской деятельности на бенгальском, включая газеты, радио, что вызывало недовольство населения. Значительное время в учебных заведениях отводилось изучению религии. Многие решения местных властей принимались и исполнялись от имени ислама. На сопротивление народа такой политике власти Пакистана отвечали массовыми репрессиями. Особенно кровавые репрессии против бенгальского народа были совершены в 1971 году. В результате народного восстания, вооруженной борьбы и изгнания войск Восточная часть Пакистана стала независимой страной. Одним из основополагающих принципов Конституции Народной Республики Бангладеш, когда только она формировалась в 1972 году, стал секуляризм. В статье анализируется политический процесс, посредством которого религия становится частью политики, используя исторический метод исследования. Несмотря на то, что в Конституции написано, что религия отделена от государства, но до сих пор религия является очень важным фактором в политике Бангладеш.
A convincing refutation of stereotypes about Islam as a religion of implacably hostility to the adherents of other faiths serves as an example of life, activity, and evolution of thinking that was demonstrated by an outstanding political leader of the Indian national liberation movement Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958). Initially he was an ardent follower of Aligarh movement which stood for Muslim education and their cooperation with the colonial authorities. From 1911 to 1916 Azad is an active promoter of Muslim nationalism, Caliphate movement. From 1920 until the end of life Azad was a tough critic of the separatist Muslim nationalism, one of the most prominent leaders of the Indian National Congress Party, Minister of education of secular Republic of India. History of Azad's personal evolution convincingly testifi es to the dynamic nature of Islamic teaching which calls for renunciation of dogmatic views and maintaining the constant desire to discover the deep world outlook meanings ; Убедительным опровержением стереотипного представления об исламе как о религии, непримиримо враждебной к приверженцам других конфессий служит история жизни глубоко верующего мусульманина, выдающегося политического лидера индийского национально-освободительного движения Абул Калам Азада (1888–1958). Первоначально — приверженца Алигархского движения, выступавшего за просвещение мусульман и их сотрудничество с колониальными властями. С 1911 по 1916 г. — активного пропагандиста мусульманского национализма, халифатского движения. С 1920 года до конца жизни — критика сепаратистского «мусульманского национализма», одного из виднейших руководителей партии Индийский национальный конгресс, министра просвещения секулярной Республики Индия. История эволюции взглядов Абул Калам Азада убедительно свидетельствует о динамичности исламского вероучения, которое призывает отказаться от косности во взглядах, постоянно стремиться к открытию глубинных мировоззренческих смыслов.
Some of the most significant consequences of transnational immigration is growing religious diversity and finding a way to manage it. This article considers the concept of pluralism, the differences in religious pluralism between America and Western Europe occurring due to immigration, as well as the roles and possibilities of immigrant religions in the process of adapting to the host society. The history of immigration, models of immigrant incorporation and adaption, patterns of religious pluralism and types of secularism strongly vary in the aforementioned regions. Religion in America is a positive resource and a basis for incorporating immigrants into American society, their recognition in public life, assimilation and construction of an American identity. By contrast, in Western Europe immigrant religions, particularly Islam, are perceived primarily as an obstacle to incorporating immigrants into European societies and their recognition in the public domain. This is explained mainly by the secularist mindset of European people in general, their uncertain "private" religiosity in the context of "Euro-secularity", the European concept of religion's place in the "private domain", as well as types of state-religion relations and institutional patterns of recognition which differ from America.
Секция 1. Философия и перспективы развития современной культуры ; Предмет исследования – продолжительная острая полемика вокруг религиозной политики турецкого государства, изначально направленной на крайне жесткий секуляризм. Реакционные движения сохраняли свою активность всю первую половину XX века, всячески добиваясь снятия религиозных ограничений. Свобода вероисповедания и смягчений религиозной политики стали ключевыми аргументами Демократической партии в ее борьбе за власть в конце 1950-х годов. Период 1950–1960 гг. рассматривается как «отправная точка» в становлении нынешней ситуации вокруг ислама в Турции, когда связь между религиозной свободой и демократическим укладом Турции не только сохраняется в официальной риторике, но и преподносится как исключительная заслуга турецкого народа. ; The subject of the study is a long and sharp controversy around the religious policy of the Turkish state, initially aimed at extremely tough secularism. The reactionary movements retained their activity throughout the first half of the XX century, striving in every way to lift religious restrictions. Freedom of religion and lenient religious policy were the key arguments of the Democratic Party in its struggle for power in the late 1950s. The period 1950–1960 considered as the ''reference point'' in the development of the current situation around Islam in Turkey, when the connection between religious freedom and the democratic structure of Turkey is not only preserved in official rhetoric, but also presented as the exclusive merit of the Turkish people.
The article deals with one of the most outstanding representatives of Muslim modernism but still has not been thoroughly studied in our country, Egyptian theologian 'Ali 'Abdarraziq (1888–1966), the author of a famous book 'Islam and the Foundations of Political Power' (1925).The second part of the article analyses 'Abdarraziq's depoliticization of religion, his critics of the basic problems of traditional political theology of Islam: the conception of the Prophet Muhammad as a king in addition to his prophetic mission, the sacred necessity of the caliphate, the world Islamic government, etc. ; Данная статья посвящена одной из наиболее ярких, но мало изученных в нашей стране фигур, представляющих реформаторско-модернистское направление в исламе, – египетскому богослову Али Абдарразику (1888–1966), автору книги «Ислам и принципы правления» (1925), заложившей основы современного мусульманского секуляризма.Во второй части публикации освещается установка автора на деполитизацию религии, его критика ряда фундаментальных положений традиционной политической теологии ислама: о пророке Мухаммаде как еще и о царе, о сакральной необходимости халифата, о всемирном характере исламского государства, и др.
