Search results

This article contributes to the debate on how an international crisis may contribute to ontological security. We argue that ontological security can paradoxically be achieved through escalating practices capable of provoking international crises. By merging 'practices', a fairly distinct theoretical perspective of International Relations, with ontological security, we seek to expand Jennifer Mitzen's premise that "even dangerous routines provide ontological security" and consider practices as a source of attaining ontological security. To partake in the practical turn in ontological security studies, we borrow the concepts of Practice Turn in IR, habitus (disposition), and field (environment). After substantiating the connection between the two theories, we take the demise of the INF Treaty as an example of a crisis. We argue that the INF Treaty, as a field, has become a source of ontological threat to both the U.S. and Russia. Following the end of the Cold War, the U.S. and Russia have constantly changed their habitus by developing key missile technologies and deteriorating bilateral relations. Accordingly, the changed habitus no longer conformed to the realities of the field, making its delegitimization by both sides self-evident.

The current article is dedicated to the analysis of political dialogue between Washington and the Taliban, also, problems and perspectives of establishment of direct intra-afghan talks in the context of ensuring the regional security in Central Asia.

The Azerbaijan-Russia borderline mainly goes by the Caucasian mountain range and close to the Samur riverbed. Main border posts are situated close to the Caspian seashore while the locals living in the Upper Dagestan area have difficulties with crossing borderline. The locals are represented by the so called "divided peoples" whose living area was divided with the state border after 1991. The former inner borders ignored ethnic areas but now they became the lines crossing the ethnic groups of Legins, Avars, Tzakhurs and Rutuls. Certainly, those peoples are interested in specific rules for crossing the border. At the same time, their areas have not got the equipped border offices and they have to spend a lot of time and money for travelling to the neighboring districts via Baku or Vladikavkaz. Such problems arouse the radical demands among locals. The Lezgin movement for an independent Lezgistan is the most famous among them. Its supporters were involved in a terrorist attack in Baku in 1990-s and now they collect files about any problems connected with border issues, including the results of a demarcation process. They attract attention to the facts of all assignments made by Russian representatives. The activity of other ethnic groups was comparatively lower and they could make an agreement with local authorities about division of powers. Obviously, any solution about development of the border infrastructure may stabilize the separatism activity in the area.

The author determines the key challenges and threats to cross-border security at Azerbaijan-Russia borderline on the basis of analysis of Federal and regional media, declarations made by representatives of the local and borderline authorities, as well as online activities of national movements. The author reveals the infrastructure factors of ensuring cross-border activity, social and economic conditions of borderline districts development. The suggestion is made on the need to develop infrastructure borderline objects for complex development of the crossborder area that will allow preventing separatism.

Современная российская карта угроз религиозной безопасности многогранна. Согласно многим исследованиям, первое место в иерархии угроз занимает деятельность радикальных исламистов, пропагандирующих экстремистские цели, на втором месте – активность нетрадиционных религий. Статья посвящена анализу методического инструментария и результатов региональных и всероссийских социологических опросов, направленных на выяснение качества межконфессиональных отношений и места религиозных рисков в системе национальной безопасности. Исследования религиозной сферы требуют известной деликатности, что лишь усложняет процесс составления эмпирического инструментария. В статье проанализирован опыт социологических опросов в регионах Поволжья (Башкирии, Пензе, Ульяновске, Мордовии, Астрахани) и Северного Кавказа, привлекались также и данные всероссийских опросов. Целью статьи является определение наиболее эффективных методических стратегий измерения межконфессионального напряжения и определения уровня опасности совершения насилия на религиозной почве. Анализ методического инструментария показывает, что высокая тревожность массового сознания фиксируется с помощью вопросов о допустимости или недопустимости насилия в межрелигиозных отношениях; о необходимости предоставить той или иной конфессии особые права (официально закрепить ее господствующее положение); о пользе или вреде перехода из одной религии в другую; об отношении к демонстрации в публичной сфере религиозных символов (например, хиджаба). Анализ стратегий эмпирических исследований позволил зафиксировать тенденцию представлять нетрадиционные для России конфессии как серьезную угрозу религиозной безопасности, а также объединять под единой шапкой такие разнородные явления, как ваххабизм, движение свидетелей Иеговы, протестантизм, кришнаизм. Напротив, традиционные религии российскими политологами рассматриваются в качестве главных союзников государства в сфере поддержания религиозной безопасности. Сформулирован вывод, согласно которому именно выбор методики исследования, в немалой мере определяющей его результаты, может формировать адекватные или иллюзорные представления о степени религиозной безопасности как у заказчиков исследования, так и в целом у населения нашей страны. ; The contemporary Russian map of threats to religious security is multifaceted. The first place in the hierarchy of threats is the activity of radical Islamists promoting extremist goals, while the second place belongs to the activity of non-traditional religions. This article is devoted to the analysis of methodological tools and results of regional and All-Russian sociological surveys aimed at determining the quality of interfaith relations and the place of religious risks in the national security system. Research into the religious sphere requires a certain sensitivity, which only complicates the process of compiling empirical tools. This article analyzes the experience of sociological surveys in the Volga Region (Bashkortostan, Penze, Ulyanovsk, Mordovia, Astrakhan) and the North Caucasus, using the data from All-Russian surveys. The purpose of this article is to identify the most effective methodological strategies for measuring sectarian tension and determining the risk of religious violence. The analysis of methodological tools shows that the high anxiety of mass consciousness can be recorded using questions on a number of issues. They include the admissibility or inadmissibility of violence in interreligious relations; the need to grant special rights to a denomination (to formalize its dominant position); the benefits or harms of the transition from one religion to another; the attitude towards the demonstration of religious symbols in the public sphere (e. g. hijab). The analysis of empirical research strategies allowed recording the tendency to present non-traditional faiths for Russia as a serious threat to the religious security, as well as to unite under a single cap such diverse phenomena as Wahhabism, the movement of Jehovah's Witnesses, Protestantism, and Krishnaism. On the contrary, Russian political scientists consider traditional religions the main allies of the state in the field of maintaining religious security. The author concludes that the choice of methods can influence individual and collective perceptions of religious security.

This article provides insight into the initiatives of the President of France Emmanuel Macron in the field of European Union security and defense. France is leading the processes of military convergence of the EU members. The author examines the perspectives of such a convergence and tries to identify both internal and external causes of the French European policy. The author explores Macron's European policy and compares it with the ideology of classical gaullism, laid the foundation for the Fifth Republic led by general Charles de Gaulle. The author characterizes Macron's policies as ―flexible gaullism'' and identifies its main features. The author assesses the perspectives of the initiatives suggested by Macron in the sphere of European security and defense and tries to reveal possible obstacles for the realization of these initiatives. The article also provides an analytical assessment of the current French external European policy, evaluates the political influence of modern France on the European Union Common Security and Defense. The author explores the impact of Brexit on the position of France in EU and studies the role of Paris in PESCO - Permanent Structured Cooperation. The article reveals joint initiatives of France and Germany and the role of Franco-German tandem in the EU Common Security and Defense Policy. © 2020 Institute of Europe Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

The subject of the theoretical analysis presented in the article is the periodization of the formation of the culture of information security in Russia, carried out using the method of cultural evolutionary analysis. The fulfillment of this task precedes the subsequent development of a cultural paradigm, a structural and functional model and practical methods for improving the information security of Russian citizens. The adoption by the Russian Government on December 22, 2022 of the Concept of Formation and Development of the Culture of Information Security of the Citizens of the Russian Federation confirms the relevance of this topic.

The culturological analysis of the existing concepts of developing a culture of information security (based on the materials of theoretical, research and scientific-practical works of re-cent years) has shown the limitations of a narrow specialization (technical, regulatory, organizational, psychological, pedagogical, etc.). It is concluded that a profile systematic approach of culturology is in demand, which is the specifics of the list and combinations of various elements, disciplines and stages of the formation of a professional culture of information security in different sectors and in the general civil sphere.

The evolutionary analysis allows us to identify five stages of the historical development of digital computer and telecommunication network technologies, starting from the creation in the late 1940s to the modern universal distribution — «digital transformation». It is revealed that the use of these technologies initially requires the formation of an appropriate user culture, including ensuring safety. The development and complication of technologies, areas and methods of their application is accompanied by the evolution of threats and risks that require the development of directions and content of information security culture, both professional and civil.

The result of the theoretical analysis is the conclusion that cultural studies is a specialized scientific discipline for the selection and determination of the ratios of technical and socio-cultural components, the sequence of stages and tools for the formation and development of various types of information security culture. The development of a paradigm, a dynamic system culturological model of information security allows us to scientifically comprehend the features and correlation of professional, specialized and mass civil security culture of the use of computer and telecommunication network technologies. It is also concluded that the conceptual and cate-gorical apparatus and methodology of cultural studies provide a more adequate development of effective practical techniques and other tools for the development of the culture of information security of Russian citizens.

The article explores the issue on the perception of the concept "national security" areas, models and methods of its maintenance by the population. The author uses materials of the sociological survey conducted by the Laboratory of problems of increasing the efficiency of state and municipal management of the South-Russian Institute of Management - branch of the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration. The survey was carried out with the participation of leading experts in various aspects of national security, representing 27 Russian higher educational institutions and research centers in Moscow, Astrakhan, Barnaul, Belgorod, Dushanbe, Krasnodar, Nizhny Novgorod, Omsk, Pyatigorsk, Rostov-on-Don, Saint Petersburg, Syktyvkar, Sochi, Ufa. It is noted that as a priority political governance model that implements the basic concept of national security, respondents identified a democratic model. Most respondents believe that a unified security model in the Russian regions is ineffective, and such model should be developed taking into account the specificity of each subject. The study showed that the public's attention to the issue of national security is not sustainable, as determined by situational factors. It is proved that the motives of anxiety formed in the Russian public mind are not sustainable, and situational. Respondents see the economic cooperation more effective incentive to maintain national interests than by force. Estimation of the population of the priority issues of security shows that most respondents appreciate the organization of work to ensure the safety and anti-terrorism security in the sphere of national relations. The findings give grounds to assert that the focus of public attention to the problem of national security does not yet occupy the leading positions. To a greater extent, respondents focused on the issues of public safety, reducing threats and risks in their daily lives. Apparently, despite the external and internal attempts by certain forces to escalate the symptoms of military threats, economic and political instability, the state authorities have managed to maintain a stable situation on the ground and to instill confidence in the stability of the government itself. However, assessments of respondents showing pain points (as discussed above), on which the regional and federal authorities and the public should focus their attention. This should avoid focusing on minor topics objects, eliminate switching public attention on themes and subjects that do not require a real public outcry and do not carry the real threats to the individual, society and state. Thus, the problem of improving the state policy in the sphere of security exists objectively, and its resolution should be ensured not only by the professional power sector, deputies and representatives of the executive power, but also qualified experts from civil society and scientific environment. (author's abstract)

This article considers the reasons and consequences of the increased attention from politicians and scholars to the challenges of national and global food security. First, the authors focus on the contradictory definitions of food security in intellectual and ideological debates which determine the development of national and global doctrines of food security (and 'food sovereignty' as its critical alternative). Secondly, the authors consider past and present attempts to ensure food security and identify the historical zigzags of food policies in Russia (from the Soviet autarchic policy of food self-sufficiency to attempts to liberalize food security definitions in the 1990s, and the new protectionist and autarchic food security doctrine of the 2000s). The authors also present a range of common indicators of food security, and emphasize that the gross growth in the production of various types of food is insufficient to assess the quality of national food policies. The key indicators of food security include the effectiveness of agricultural production, access to quality food for all social groups, and the potential of consumers to control the issues of national food security. Finally, the authors consider the sociological approach to the study of food security and present data from a series of sociological monitoring developed and conducted by the Center for Agrarian Studies of RANEPA 2015-2017. The analysis identified the 'double autarchy' in the responses of respondents: on the one hand, they support the general political course on food protectionism and nationalism (state autarchy), while, on the other, they strive to implement a micro-policy of autonomous food sovereignty (family autarchy) by intensifying household efforts to ensure natural self-sufficiency. © 2018 National Research University Higher School of Economics.

The article analyses the extremely complex contemporary international situation, fraught with the growing threat of a world war. It is shown that the current aggravation of military and political tensions in the world is associated with a change of technological and world economic patterns, secular accumulation cycles and global players on the international stage.The main features of the new Cold War against Russia are singled out: the main ideological contradiction — orientation of the USA and NATO countries to preserve a uni-polar world order, Russia and its allies — to preserve a multi-polar world; the presence of confrontational parties — countries of the "Golden Billion" (NATO bloc) and countries striving to establish a multi-polar world (BRICS, Eurasian Economic Union, SCO, CSTO); the antagonistic purposes: the common purpose of the USA and Western countries — preservation of a uni-polar world, private purpose — elimination of the main geopolitical opponents, the common purpose of Russia and its allies — formation of a multi-polar world, private — ensuring state sovereignty and national security; the limited armed conflicts; the achievement of political goals by military force; the activation of naval exercises; the new phase of the arms race; the economic wars (sanctions); the suspension of cooperation between Russia and NATO.The article considers the current issues of the influence of NATO expansion on the security of the Russian Federation. It studies The four main factors that determine the current relationship between NATO and Russia: the "Ukrainian factor", the "Caucasian factor", the "Syrian factor", and the factor of «concentration» in the Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Poland) as well. The author draws a conclusion about the constant risk of escalating confrontation, which is a threat to the military and national security of the Russian Federation.The article demonstrates the danger of the concepts that are being developed by American strategists: those of a limited nuclear war and a rapid global strike, which has a negative impact on the provision of strategic stability in the modern world.Particular attention is paid to the unique automated Russian system "Perimeter", known in Western Europe and the United States as the "Dead Hand", which has no analogues in the world and guarantees the possibility of a retaliatory nuclear strike against the enemy under any circumstances. The article emphasises the advantages of this system in comparison with other existing "duplicating" systems in the USA and UK. The author concludes that, in conditions of aggravating confrontation with the West, it is necessary to strengthen Russia's economy and defense capability to ensure military and national security; and to create a broad anti-war coalition of countries capable of stopping the American aggression. ; В статье дан анализ чрезвычайно сложной современной международной обстановки, чреватой нарастанием угрозы мировой войны. Показано, что нынешнее обострение военно-политической напряженности в мире связано со сменой технологических и мирохозяйственных укладов, вековых циклов накопления и глобальных игроков на международной арене.Выделены основные признаки новой холодной войны против России: главное идеологическое противоречие — ориентация США и стран НАТО на сохранение однополярного мироустройства, ориентация России и союзников — на многополярный мир; наличие противоборствующих сторон: страны «золотого миллиарда» (блок НАТО) и страны, стремящиеся к установлению многополярного мира (БРИКС, Евразийский экономический союз, ШОС, ОДКБ); антагонистические цели: общая цель США и стран Запада — сохранение однополярного мира, частная цель — устранение основных геополитических противников, общая цель России и союзников — формирование многополярного мира, частная — обеспечение государственного суверенитета и национальной безопасности; ограниченные вооруженные конфликты; достижение политических целей военной силой; активизация военно-морских учений; новый этап гонки вооружений; экономические войны (санкции); приостановка сотрудничества России и НАТО.Рассматриваются актуальные вопросы влияния расширения НАТО на обеспечение безопасности Российской Федерации. Исследуются четыре основных фактора, определяющих в настоящее время отношения НАТО и России: «украинский фактор», «кавказский фактор», «сирийский фактор», а также фактор «концентрации» в прибалтийских государствах (Литве, Латвии, Эстонии и Польше). Сделано заключение о постоянном риске эскалации противостояния, представляющего угрозу военной и национальной безопасности Российской Федерации.Показана опасность разрабатываемых американскими стратегами концепций ограниченной ядерной войны и быстрого глобального удара, что негативно сказывается на обеспечении стратегической стабильности в современном мире.Особое внимание уделяется уникальной автоматизированной, не имеющей аналогов в мире российской системе «Периметр», известной в Западной Европе и США как «Мертвая рука» (Dead Hand), которая гарантирует возможность нанесения ответного ядерного удара по противнику при любых обстоятельствах. Подчеркнуты преимущества данной системы перед имеющимися «дублирующими» аналогами в США и Великобритании. Сделан вывод о необходимости в условиях обострения конфронтации с Западом укрепления экономики и обороноспособности России для обеспечения военной и национальной безопасности, а также создания широкой антивоенной коалиции стран, способных остановить американскую агрессию.

Ключевые слова: безопасность человека; добрые услуги; насильственный экстремизм; разоружение и нераспространение оружия; частные военные и охранные компании; Инициатива Нансена; Совет ООН по правам человека; смертная казнь; миграционные партнерства. = Keywords: human security; good offices; violent extremism; disarmament and non-proliferation; private military and security companies; Nansen Initiative; UN Human Rights Council; death penalty; migration partnerships. ; Статья посвящена реализации концепции безопасности человека во внешней политике и политике безопасности Швейцарии. В ней дается краткий обзор исследований этой концепции и ее отдельных аспектов. Оценивается международная обстановка после окончания холодной войны и прослеживается история разработки концепции, начиная от первого упоминания в Докладе ООН о человеческом развитии (1994 г.) до итоговой формулировки (2012 г.), содержащей право всех людей на свободу от страха, свободу от нужды и свободу жить в достойных условиях. Делается акцент на том, что Конфедерация включила эту концепцию в свою политику в начале 2000-х гг., когда стратегия безопасности через сотрудничество (с 1999 г.) окончательно сменила ее предыдущую концепцию всеобщей обороны (с 1973 г.). Дается информация о соответствующей национальной правовой базе, работе координационного органа (отдела по вопросам безопасности человека) и механизмах финансирования. Описывая четыре основных направления деятельности Швейцарии в этой сфере – политику мира, гуманитарную политику, политику в области прав человека и внешнюю политику в области миграции, автор обращает внимание на то, что в каждом из них Конфедерация поддерживает различные инициативы и выступает с собственными, а также стремится расширять и укреплять международный диалог и сотрудничество. ; The article deals with the implementation of the concept of human security in Switzerland's foreign and security policy. It provides a brief overview of the studies on this concept and its individual aspects. It assesses the international situation after the end of the Cold War and traces the development of this concept from its first mention in the UN Human Development Report (1994) to the final formula (2012) entitling all individuals to freedom from fear, freedom from want and freedom to live in dignity. The article emphasizes the fact that the Confederation incorporated this concept into its policy in the early 2000s, when the strategy of security through cooperation (since 1999) had completely replaced its previous concept of total defence (since 1973). It describes the relevant national legal framework, coordinating authority (Human Security Division) and credit facilities. While describing the four main areas of Switzerland's activities in this area, i.e., peace policy, humanitarian policy, human rights policy and foreign policy on migration, the author notes that in each of them the Confederation supports various initiatives and submits its own as well as seeks to increase and strengthen the international dialogue and cooperation.

The development of criteria for the coordination of macroeconomic and microeconomic interests is a rather laborious methodological task. The difficulty lies in the fact that the bulk of the issues related to the formation of the institutional economy is multifunctional and involves the development of issues of political economy, the scientific basis of management, its legal support, philosophy, sociology, management organization, the problems of the economy of the state and its sectors. There is no doubt that the solution of this difficult problem is possible only within the framework of systematic studies of economic processes and generalization of their results. In the centre of institutional reforms are not only the problems of formation of the social utility of the goods but also the problem of constant reduction of socially important costs for its creation. It is necessary to arrange so that any member of financial and economic process received the income depending on usefulness which it gives to society. The establishment of institutions of coercion was important in resolving the problem. With their support, it is likely to overcome the unwritten opposition of market players who are obliged to adapt to the macroeconomic situation.

This research is based on the materials of the fifth wave of the cross-national sociological project "European Values Study". The conceptual framework consists in the theory of a complex threat, describing the key components of the perceived threat that lead to prejudice between social groups. The subject of this research is the peculiarities of the perception of migration by native population as a potential threat to the security of the accepting society. Special attention is paid to the description of current migration situation in Europe. The article reviews the realistic and symbolic threats of migration through the prism of public opinion of the native population. It is stated that the European countries significantly differ depending on perception of migration threats by the native population. The author notes that population of the countries with developed economy mostly do not feel competition with the migrants on the job market. A conclusion is made that in the conditions of Russia's unstable national economy and pressure of sanctions, the migrants seem to Russians as a serious threat on the job market. It is evident that in the European countries the migrants are largely perceived as a source of criminality. The research determines the factors affecting rejection of migrants in modern Russia. The author offers the typology of European countries based on peculiarities of perception of migration threats by the native population.

Purpose: the article contains critical analysis and scientific review of research in the field of mergers and takeovers in the world academic literature and identifies the key factors causing the probability of losing a business in terms of business security in modern conditions of economic relations transformation. The following tasks have solved in the article to achieve this goal: scientific review and classification of academic studies on the problem of hostile takeovers in the interdisciplinary aspect of economic security have performed; key endogenous and exogenous factors that determine the threat of seizing business and the mechanisms for its protection against hostile takeovers have identified; possibilities of applying international experience in protecting against hostile takeovers under Russian conditions have analyzed.Methods: the article uses a set of scientific methods for analyzing literary sources and statistical data, among which are: methods of induction and deduction, logical abstraction, causal, functional, system, historical and comparative analysis, etc.Results: authors have identified endogenous and exogenous factors that increase the likelihood of hostile takeover, and have analyzed the impact of legislation and regulations on the activity of mergers and acquisitions in Russia and the world. The scientific review carried out by the authors is positioned in the existing set of studies and sets the directions for future research in the field of the economic security of business that are necessary for understanding this phenomenon.Conclusions and Relevance: Russian and foreign studies in the field of mergers and acquisitions differ in the methods and form used to substantiate the findings and results of research. The problems of business security and protection against hostile takeovers have interdisciplinary nature, while the threats of hostile takeovers can be both external and internal. Improving the legal framework along with economic mechanisms will allow creating conditions for protecting the interests of investors, enhancing business activity and business efficiency. The measures used in world practice for protection against hostile takeovers are of limited use in Russia due to the relative youth of the phenomenon itself and the domestic capital market, as well as due to the specifics of Russian legislation. In this regard, it is necessary to continue further research in this sphere. ; Цель: Критический анализ и научный обзор исследований в области слияний и поглощений в мировой академической литературе и выявление ключевых факторов, обусловливающих вероятность потери собственности и контроля над бизнесом, с позиции обеспечения безопасности бизнеса в современных условиях трансформации экономических отношений. Для достижения поставленной цели в статье решены следующие задачи: выполнен научный обзор, систематизация и классификация академических исследований по проблеме враждебных поглощений в междисциплинарном аспекте обеспечения экономической безопасности; систематизированы ключевые эндогенные и экзогенные факторы, определяющие угрозы захвата бизнеса и механизмы его защиты от враждебных поглощений; оценены возможности применения мирового опыта защиты от враждебных поглощений в российских условиях.Методология проведения работы: Исследование опирается на совокупность научных методов анализа литературных источников и статистических данных, к числу которых можно отнести: методы индукции и дедукции, логической абстракции, каузальный, функциональный, системный, методы исторического и сравнительного анализа, и т.д.Результаты работы: Авторами были идентифицированы эндогенные и экзогенные факторы, которые увеличивают вероятность враждебного поглощения, и проведен анализ влияния законодательства и нормативных актов на активность слияний и поглощений в России и мире. Проблема обеспечения безопасности бизнеса, в том числе и с позиций защиты от враждебных поглощений, носит междисциплинарный характер, при этом угрозы враждебного поглощения могут иметь как внешний, так и внутренний характер. Выполненный авторами научный обзор позиционируется в существующей совокупности исследований и задает направления для будущих исследований в области экономической безопасности бизнеса, необходимые для понимания данного феномена.Выводы: Отечественные и иностранные исследования в области слияний и поглощений отличаются методами и формой обоснования выводов и результатов исследований. Совершенствование правового поля, наряду с экономическими механизмами, позволит создать условия для защиты интересов инвесторов, повышения деловой активности и эффективности ведения бизнеса. Применяемые в мировой практике меры защиты от враждебных поглощений имеют ограниченное применение в России в силу относительной молодости как самого явления, так и отечественного рынка капитала, а также в силу специфики российского законодательства. В этой связи необходимым представляется продолжение исследований в данной области.