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In this paper, the author addresses spatial injustices in Tunisia, and seeks to which extent social and territorial inequalities could hamper democracy. Many urban disparities and social anomies such as informal sector, terrorism, unemployment, and usustainable development process threaten the vulnerable democracy transition in Tunisia. The author described and analyzed urban planning process since independency to noawadays. He analyzed the successive economic development policy makings undertook by a mono-party Nation-State. The top down development policies implemented until nowadays entailed a big gap between coastal areas and inland. The former benefitted of its site across the sea shores and proximity to Tunis and former regime. Many factors fostered export industries and tourism activities. The latters were left behind due to their lack of resources and urban planning policy dominated by neo liberal capitalist development in favor of Tunis urban primacy and the littoral where concentrated most foreign and local investments. Urban disparities and inequalities in Tunisia join in a networked society where local and global actors play a key role in economic, social, and urban development process in Tunisia. Tunisian society is a subsystem within a global system (Wallerstein2012), and what is happening is not conjonctural, but it is due to global social movements (Sassen 2007 ; Castells 2012 ; Braudel, 1992 ; Amin, 2003). Terrorism, pollution, inequalities are not per se, but are the negative results of a a myriad of factors: economic, politics, cultural, emotional, aesthetics, social and urban morphologies. Many economic, social, and political actors intervened and interconnected in public and private arenas and triggered those anomies. Fair urban policies are expected to be achieved through a multilevel governance in order to implement the revolution objectives in Tunisia. Otherwise, a representative democracy only, won't fulfil the well-being expected by large Tunisian people. Sustainable urban governance requires a multi-scalar bottom-up and top-down policy-making. In Tunisia, after democratic transition success, the state should be revamped, and compensate its deficit. A sustainable urban planning implies a holistic policy framework involving private and public sectors, and civil society actors locally, regionally, and globally.

By using the concept of peripheralization as defined by Fischer-Tahir and Naumann (2013) ; I examine how processes of change in economy ; demography ; political decision-making ; and socio-cultural norms and values have marginalized southern Yemen after 1990 ; and especially after the war of 1994. I will argue that politically produced spatial injustice has strengthened the desire for southern Yemeni independence.

Densely populated informal housing has mushroomed in formerly segregated South African townships, attracting migrants who survive on the edges of the economy, excluded from basic services. In the pandemic, they have been even more vulnerable, unable to practice social distancing and forced to continue with marginal work such as scavenging to eke out a living. Drawing on interviews with residents of a Johannesburg settlement, the authors emphasize how urban space structures inequalities in every aspect of everyday life, requiring a new approach to city planning and governance with a focus on justice.

The author revealed the injustices in the territories formation of the united territorial communities (UTC) under the local self-government reform, which are manifested in different, uneven volumes of their land use and the resource basis in general for local socio-economic development. The methodological approach used by the authorities in determining the capacity of united communities in their formation (in terms of compliance with the criteria – the area and the population density), led to the fact that in rural areas with low population density they had to form large UTCs to reach specific parameters by population. The hypothesis that territorially large UTCs are capable is ambiguous: on the one hand, land tenure and land use is a resource for socio-economic development of communities, on the other – in a large area the cost of providing essential services to the population in remote villages increases together with the administrative and other costs. Paper proves that large-scale rural UTCs should become objects of the state support as the "rural areas in unfavourable conditions" under the State Strategy for Regional Development for 2021–2027. The author justifies injustices in the centralization of powers on disposal of land resources. The land decentralization as a transfer of relevant powers to UTC local governments will be finally completed, according to the Decree of the President of Ukraine "On some measures to accelerate reforms in the field of land relations" № 449 from 15.10.2020, which will contribute to orderliness in this area and filling local budgets. It is also advisable within the UTCs to give internal communities the right to dispose of their economic territory's land resources in these communities' interests. The paper shows discriminatory aspects of administrative reformatting of 120 voluntarily formed and functioning UTCs, according to the Government's long-term plans for 2020: by recognizing them as insufficiently capable, they should join other communities or unite into larger UTCs.

The settlements of informal origin in Colombia emerged as an alternative to access housing for the socially and economically vulnerable population due to the limited institutional opportunities to obtain a solution. Thus, the victims of the armed conflict have found in this modality of urbanization a refuge in the city as a result of the forced displacement and the poverty. However, the different access modalities to the land relate this type of settlements with an illegal city due to the processes of irregular urbanization and self-production of housing developed far from the fulfillment of the urban norm. This denomination leads to an invisibilization of a set of injustices that the families who live there face off permanently. Given this scenario, the concept of space justice, which was proposed in the seventies, was adopted with the intellectual movement called Radical Geography, so it could be explored new approaches to settlements of informal origin that allowed to overcome the confused idea of understanding the legal as an action of justice. The exploration is carried out from the revision of the set of political actions derived from those aws designed to guarantee the access to housing to the victims of the forced displacement because of the internal armed conflict in Colombia, and the reality observed through life stories. Finally, it is observed that the design of public policies continues to be thought from a utilitarian perspective, and for this reason the actions of justice are still measured in economic terms and not in social terms. ; Los asentamientos de origen informal en colombiana han surgido como una alternativa de acceso a vivienda para la población social y económicamente vulnerable frente a las limitadas oportunidades institucionales de acceso a una solución habitacional. Así, las víctimas del conflicto armado por desplazamiento forzado y la población que se encuentra en situación de pobreza han encontrado en esta modalidad de urbanización un refugio en la ciudad. Sin embargo, las ...

This article critiques the Detroit Future City (DFC) strategic framework concerning municipal service provision and land use over the next few decades. Relying on policy and media documents, we show that the DFC exhibits narrow, market-oriented logics characteristic of the pervasive hegemony of neoliberal urbanism in American city governance. We address the corporate orientation of the Detroit Works Project, the public–private partnership behind DFC, and argue that the plan may exacerbate the racialized spatial injustices produced in Detroit by 20th-century exclusionary metropolitan growth, ineffective governance, and decades-long flawed approaches to economic development. Furthermore, DFC not only advances previous planned-shrinkage attempts but also seeks to repurpose major areas of the city for global investment, reversing their zoning for agriculture and green space. Our analysis of census data shows that Detroit's most disadvantaged residents disproportionately reside in areas designated as future "innovation landscapes." Exploratory spatial data analysis indicates that these zones are not internally homogeneous and engulf resilient residential land usage. Moreover, greening serves the symbolic purpose of reconstituting problematically racialized "Black" areas as purified, investment-ready spaces. We urge neoliberal urban research to continue tracing its global embedding and relational evolution, but also to reorganize the pernicious sociospatial reality on the ground.