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Gründung, Struktur und politische Bedeutung des am 16. Februar 1989 gegründeten Arabischen Kooperationsrates, dem Ägypten, Irak, Jordanien und (Nord-)Jemen angehören. Beigefügt ist eine vom Verfasser besorgte deutsche Übersetzung der Gründungsvereinbarung. (DÜI-Hns)

Die in Essen auf dem EU-Gipfel im Dezember 1994 beschlossene Strategie der Heranführung der Visegrad-Staaten (Polen, Slowakische Republik, Tschechische Republik, Ungarn) an den EU-Beitritt zeigt einen klaren Weg in die Richtung einer künftigen Vollmitgliedschaft auf. Diese Strategie wird helfen, die vielfältigen noch anstehenden Aufgaben zu lösen. Bestandteil dieser Strategie ist neben der Wettbewerbspolitik, der Zusammenarbeit in den Bereichen Landwirtschaft, Justiz, Inneres, Finanzen, Ausbildung und Infrastruktur auch die regionale Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Visegrad-Ländern. Die Erweiterung der intraregionalen Handels- und Wirtschaftsbeziehungen in der mitteleuropäischen Freihandelszone (CEFTA) steht vor einem Neubeginn. In der vorliegenden Studie wird die regionale Zusammenarbeit der Visegrad-Staaten untersucht. Diese Zusammenarbeit hat eine konstruktive Ergänzungsfunktion in Relation zum übergeordneten Ziel der Vorbereitung auf die EU-Vollmitgliedschaft. Bei der Ausarbeitung der Studie stützt sich der Autor u.a. auf Ergebnisse seiner Mitarbeit im international zusammengesetzten Arbeitskreis 'Wege zur ostmitteleuropäischen EU-Vollmitgliedschaft' am Berliner Europa-Institut sowie auf Publikationen aus den Visegrad-Staaten und den EU-Mitgliedsländern. (psz)

Der Beitrag berichtet über die Ergebnisse eines Forschungsprojekts des Interreg-II-C-Programms der Europäischen Union zum Stand und zu den Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten grenzübergreifender Städtekooperationen in Mittel- und Südosteuropa. Dabei wurde offensichtlich, dass überwiegend die unmittelbar an den Staatsgrenzen gelegenen Städte bzw. Städtepaare an solchen Kooperationen interessiert sind und sie betreiben. Demgegenüber finden sich kaum Ansatzpunkte für weiterreichende grenzübergreifende Netze von Groß- und Mittelstädten. Die wichtigsten Kooperationsfelder zwischen den Grenzstädten sind die Bereiche Verkehr, Kultur, Bildung, Tourismus und Soziales, während die nahräumliche grenzübergreifende Wirtschaftskooperation nur eine geringe Bedeutung hat. Im einzelnen ergeben sich unterschiedliche Konstellationen in Abhängigkeit von dem Status und der Barrierewirkung der verschiedenen Staatsgrenzen, vom Wirtschafts- und Lebensniveau beiderseits der Grenze, von der ethnischen/sprachlichen Struktur der Grenzbevölkerung sowie von der Stadtgröße und der Lage der Grenzstädte zueinander. Bei der Anzahl und Intensität der Kooperationen wird eine deutliche Abstufung von der Mitte zum Südosten Europas erkennbar, bedingt sowohl durch verschiedene Fördermöglichkeiten als auch durch eine unterschiedliche Informiertheit der Akteure. Gute Beispiele der grenzübergreifenden Zusammenarbeit finden sich vor allem an der deutsch-polnischen Grenze, wo nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg einige Städte durch eine neue Staatsgrenze zerschnitten worden sind die dadurch entstandenen Doppelstädte heute zunehmend besser zusammenarbeiten, z.B. das deutsche Görlitz mit dem polnischen Zgorzelec. Neue Perspektiven ergeben sich an der rumänisch-bulgarischen Grenze durch den von der EU geförderten Bau einer Brücke über die Donau bei Vidin und Calafat. Abschließend werden Schlussfolgerungen und Empfehlungen für die Regionalpolitik abgeleitet.

From the introduction: This book attempts to throw some additional light on three interdependent phenomena in South Asian political development which lateley have contributed to considerable changes within the subsystem. This applies to intra-state and inter-state configurations. One main feature has been the transcending of the hitherto prevailing national approach to state-to-state relations in South Asia by opening up a new venue of multilaterism or regionalism (SAARC). The two other phenomena are ethnic conflicts and elections/political participation in South Asia, for example in India.

The cooperation among Northern European and the three Baltic states has been an object of considerable attention in the Baltic region. Diplomatic relations between the states in the region were established as early as 1990. Real progress can be traced in the long dialogue among the Baltic and the Nordic countries that took over a decade. Worth of notice is also the fact that, with the help of the Nordic states, have we reached the EU threshold, as well as acquired a strong backup in the formation of common policy goals. The Baltic Assembly (BA) and the Nordic Council (NC), serving as the centre of current analysis, can be regarded as comparable interparliamentary institutions. Such conclusion is drawn regarding that the BA was actually created after the model of NC was proposed by the Nordic states. In pursuit of explanation for the inconsistencies fraud in cooperation between the BA and the NC during a set period of time, it has been divided into two parts: a) The NC assistance in founding and early functioning of the BA from 1990 to 1995 the period of limited relationships embodied in the bilateral cooperation treaty, without any collective decision-making. The BA was established in 1991 and owed its financial and political support to NC. At that time its functions were limited, as it had little experience and with the help the NC was to become a legitimate partner.

The cooperation among Northern European and the three Baltic states has been an object of considerable attention in the Baltic region. Diplomatic relations between the states in the region were established as early as 1990. Real progress can be traced in the long dialogue among the Baltic and the Nordic countries that took over a decade. Worth of notice is also the fact that, with the help of the Nordic states, have we reached the EU threshold, as well as acquired a strong backup in the formation of common policy goals. The Baltic Assembly (BA) and the Nordic Council (NC), serving as the centre of current analysis, can be regarded as comparable interparliamentary institutions. Such conclusion is drawn regarding that the BA was actually created after the model of NC was proposed by the Nordic states. In pursuit of explanation for the inconsistencies fraud in cooperation between the BA and the NC during a set period of time, it has been divided into two parts: a) The NC assistance in founding and early functioning of the BA from 1990 to 1995 the period of limited relationships embodied in the bilateral cooperation treaty, without any collective decision-making. The BA was established in 1991 and owed its financial and political support to NC. At that time its functions were limited, as it had little experience and with the help the NC was to become a legitimate partner.

The cooperation among Northern European and the three Baltic states has been an object of considerable attention in the Baltic region. Diplomatic relations between the states in the region were established as early as 1990. Real progress can be traced in the long dialogue among the Baltic and the Nordic countries that took over a decade. Worth of notice is also the fact that, with the help of the Nordic states, have we reached the EU threshold, as well as acquired a strong backup in the formation of common policy goals. The Baltic Assembly (BA) and the Nordic Council (NC), serving as the centre of current analysis, can be regarded as comparable interparliamentary institutions. Such conclusion is drawn regarding that the BA was actually created after the model of NC was proposed by the Nordic states. In pursuit of explanation for the inconsistencies fraud in cooperation between the BA and the NC during a set period of time, it has been divided into two parts: a) The NC assistance in founding and early functioning of the BA from 1990 to 1995 the period of limited relationships embodied in the bilateral cooperation treaty, without any collective decision-making. The BA was established in 1991 and owed its financial and political support to NC. At that time its functions were limited, as it had little experience and with the help the NC was to become a legitimate partner.

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: State Cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda

As far as the new Laender of the Federal Republic of Germany are concerned, the Halle-Leipzig region is marked by an especially great development dynamics on the one hand but on the other, this old industrialized economic region suffers from serious structural problems. From these general conditions arise high demands on instruments of regional planning and management. When looking for regional political solutions administrative delimitations and beginnings of intercommunal cooperation are important factors of influence. Due to a strong increase in the establishment of shopping centres in particular in the urban regions of the two core cities of Halle and Leipzig there is a great need for action. A large number of failings caused by insufficient coordination amongst private investment activities and public planning are to be noted here. Among others, problems arise from the approval of a large number of trading estates and large-scale retail projects without considering the actual surface required and the consequences to be expected for hierarchy of urban centres. Already now it is obvious that for a long time both the lack of regional development concepts in the phase of strongest industrial location and the questionable reorganisation of the Laender and districts with its negative effects will have an influence on the development perspectives of the region. Thus, the drawing-up of the new border between Saxony and Saxony-Anhalt right through the agglomeration of Halle-Leipzig created an extremely unfavourable starting point for planning activities. In order not to spoil the region's prospects by further mistakes in regional development it is urgently necessary that the state and regional development plans come into effect as soon as possible and that political and economic decision-makers come together to work out solutions for the whole region. However, the administrative bodies necessary for an understanding of the participants and for the establishment of a regional network have still to be created. In Saxony and Saxony-Anhalt a division of labour between authorities of regional planning and town-hinterland associations to be established still is urgently necessary. As far Karin Wiest The Halle-Leipzig Region - Administrative organisation and beginnings of cooperation Europa Regional, 1(1993)2, pp. 1-11 as the cooperation of the two Laender is concerned, optimal concepts of action for the agglomeration of Halle-Leipzig are impeded by differing legal bases of planning and formalities. In this context, the possibility of establishing regional districts is being discussed in order to make political structures more efficient and to be closer to the problems. A union of the towns and districts to form a common planning region of Halle-Leipzig in the sense of a regional district, however, would involve another administrative reform which in the medium term is not possible to realise and is, therefore, no realistic alternative for the near future. In order to ensure a positive development of the region in the long run regional functions of cooperation an management bound to solid institutions cannot be renounced with. However, the scope of these institutions should not be limited to discussions and exchange of information but include concepts of action suited to realise all-regional interests.