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Northern Europe is doing well, despite the crisis. Sweden has logged particularly brilliant results in terms of growth and balancing its budget. The recovery in Finland and Denmark is slower, but forecasts are still optimistic. Norway continues to rely on its vast oil resources to overcome its difficulties. Under these conditions, wouldn't the Nordic countries be well advised to join forces in order to make themselves heard internationally and to protect their common interests? The question is being addressed by the Nordic Council-the main forum for regional cooperation. In November 2010, its publication of a book, calling for the formation of a Nordic Federal State, started the debate. Supporters and opponents of this "realistic utopia" are girding their loins for battle. In the final analysis, however, this beautiful idea may well be smashed by the rise of a nationalistic and xenophobic current in all of these countries, which tends to favor circling the wagons instead of defending common values. Adapted from the source document.

Since 1976, there have been twenty-five recorded epidemics of the Ebola virus. The 2014 outbreak is the most serious. Despite rapidly reaching an international level, Western states underestimated its effects. They were very slow to react and left non-governmental organizations to deal with the crisis alone for far too long. It was not until September that they finally recognized the need to mobilize significant means to tackle this exceptional epidemic. Adapted from the source document.

The permanent structured cooperation set out in the EU treaty is the subject of much speculation. This instrument of the Common Security and Defence Policy is currently unexploited; the author believes that it could be put into force in a progressive and pragmatic way, taking account of the specificities of member states. He sketches out some specific ways of doing this.

International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...

International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...

International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain the unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manquent cruellement des moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlés. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain the unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manquent cruellement des moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlés. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain the unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manquent cruellement des moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlés. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont ...

Since 1960, Madagascar has been a Republic which was sorely lacking in financial and human resources. This made him dependent on global geopolitical context and alliances that resulted. Its evolution reflects the great changes that took place in the world: the neo-colonial period, the period of the Cold War, the structural adjustments in the 1980's and finally the multipolar world that began in the 1990's. A major challenge and a failure of successive models of cooperation was, the local, regional benefit and with the involvement of the population. To understand this situation, the study returns from the various international and national environments and responsibilities, on the other hand, traces the actions of cooperation in the various Malagasy local authorities between 1993 and 2005. If this results in a fairly homogeneous distribution of the activities of multi and bilateral cooperation on the national territory with fields and areas of intervention-specific cooperation, the search for this spatial equilibrium is difficult despite the efforts encouraging steps participatory involving the population, given by the political instability since the advent of the Third Republic. This situation highlights new actors, transnational cooperation, NGOs and decentralized cooperation, especially on the local level with actions addressing priority social issues and humanitarian emergencies, through short-term programs. Currently, the only cooperation that is really effective because of the political events that happen in Madagascar. Remain unknown about the new forms of sub regional cooperation, trade with countries that are emerging today. They're still secondary actors, but their development prospects are enormous. ; Madagascar, indépendant en 1960, est une République à qui manque cruellement de moyens financiers et humains. Cette situation l'a rendue dépendant des contextes géopolitiques mondiaux et des alliances qui en ont découlé. L'évolution de la Grande île reflète les grands bouleversements qui se sont déroulés ...

This article examines Liberia's reconstruction by external actors and it analyses in particular Liberia's Governance and Economic Management Assistance Programme (GEMAP), a program which implies co-signatures by international experts for state expenditures. The paper argues that Liberia is in a paradoxical situation between conditioned partnership and co-sovereignty with its international partners, which is neither voluntary, nor clearly imposed. The author adopts a theoretical framework based on path-dependency to enhance the understanding of this phenomenon. She analyses the basis and the functions of GEMAP to illustrate this situation. Adapted from the source document.

The establishment of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) in the 1970s was an important step towards political union, which has always been considered as the ultimate aim of European integration. The two Davignon reports, adopted in 1970 and 1973, served as the basis for the EPC which dealt with the sovereign domain of foreign policy, and used an intergovernmental mechanism. The EPC therefore took place between the member states of the European Communities, but outside the Community context. The development of the EPC was affected by several factors between 1973 and 1980: primarily by the actors, and in particular the nine countries involved in the EPC. Since State actors played a decisive role, there is a need to bear in mind the differences which originally existed between the Nine, in terms of their foreign policy, and also their political traditions and cultures. The different contexts in which the EPC evolved also had a significant impact on it; in particular the process of European construction and the world stage dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. By taking these points into consideration, the article analyses Political Cooperation at the time of the Nine, in terms of its functioning as well as ability to assert Europe's role in the world notably through the declaration on European identity. The EPC also conveyed the Nine's messages on international issues, such as the CSCE and the Middle East. Adapted from the source document.

Theoretical frameworks no longer explain our understanding of the new challenges faced by international development cooperation stakeholders. The end of the Cold War, the political affirmation of "emerging countries", and the growing activism of non-state actors (NGOs, private sector, foundations, academia, etc.) are shattering the traditional paradigm. Furthermore, the increasing importance of private flows alongside the relative stagnation of ODA is redefining traditional donor's role. In this sense, it is necessary to revitalize the analysis to comprehend this international phenomenon.Over the last twenty years, the economic success of emerging economies contrasts with the persisting inequalities and marginalization problems that they shelter. Despite the various challenges that they still face, these "Southern Providers" are increasing their cooperation programs. South-South Cooperation has risen steadily since the year 2000. In 2013 these flows represented a total of 23.5 USD billion, while Official Development Assistance of OECD countries attained 135.1 USD billion during the same year.Inside the so-called "Southern Providers", the scope is often overlooked or ignored. In Mexico for instance, the approval of a law in 2011 implemented a new international development cooperation system. The wide range of projects in Central America (considered by Mexican stakeholders as their "natural influence zone") are formulated to sit within a legal framework, while the law is planned to be extended beyond these type of projects. Given these renewed ambitions, there is a need to better understand what is being done by Mexico in this area. As such, it is estimated that Mexican cooperation flows accounted for 551 USD millions in 2013.In this respect, the current discrepancies between traditional and South-South Cooperation raises several issues. If traditional donors' practices are discussed within the Development Assistance Committee of the OECD, those of Southern Providers remain out of reach. Therefore, the classic ...

The creation of the euro area in 1999 and the subsequent introduction of the euro as a common currency in 2002 were results of a long process of preparation that went back as far as 1947. On the basis of original documents stored in archives in several European countries, this book traces and explains the discussions in the formative years of both the ideas for a monetary union and of the European integration process as such. Its contents reveals that the basic issue to be resolved has remained the same over time: how to organize effective monetary cooperation between ultimately sovereign states. The result of an international cooperative effort of two research institutes, Huygens ING from the Netherlands and the Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe from Luxembourg, this is the first book to appear on this topic that combines official documents with in-depth archival sources