Le corps comme lieu pénal / Martine Charageat et Mathieu Soula -- 1. Manipuler les corps : agents et outils de l'emprise judiciaire. El verdugo y el cuerpo supliciado de los reos en la corona de Castilla (siglos XIII-XVI) : el ejemplo del País Vasco / Iñaki Bazán -- Bourreau et manipulation des corps en Aragon (XVe-XVIe s.) / Martine Charageat -- Le bourreau en Catalogne au Bas Moyen Âge / Flocel Sabaté -- Le bourreau et l'accusé : le corps à l'épreuve de l'instruction pénale (XIVe-XVIIIe siècles) / Cyrielle Chamot -- Le bourreau dans les registres de comptabilité́ de Périgueux (XIVe-XVIIIe s.) / Mathieu Vivas -- De l'identification à l'inhumation : les vicissitudes du corps des victimes dans la pratique judiciaire d'Ancien Régime / Géraud de Lavedan -- 2. La constante attention pénale au corps : le corps à l'épreuve des peines. Prison épique et corps en souffrance (XIIe-XIIIe s.) / Bernard Ribémont -- Pratiques pénales de l'au-delà romanesque au XIIIe siècle / Catalina Girbea -- Le corps des prisonniers dans les images des XIVe et XVe siècles / Cécile Voyer -- Sauver l'empoisonné, confondre et châtier l'empoisonneur : corps en peine et crime de poison / Franck Collard -- L'écartèlement de Damiens, ou, La raison des supplices / Mathieu Soula -- Le corps à l'épreuve de la peine capitale : le cas Pranzini, 1887 / Anne Carol -- 3. Au-delà de la peine : enjeux disciplinaires et spatiaux de la manipulation des corps. Le supplicié, le bourreau et le médecin (Italie, XVIe-XVIIe siècle) / Alessandro Pastore -- L'exposition et la pérégrination de la morbidité pénale à Paris à la fin du Moyen Âge / Pierre Prétou -- Les tombes des criminels en France (métropole) à l'époque contemporaine / Bruno Bertherat -- Corps contaminés, corps contaminants des relégués (XIXe-XXe siècle) / Jean-Lucien Sanchez -- Incarceration, reserves, and indigenous deprivation and death in 20th century Canada / Adam J. Barker and Emma Battell Lowman.
Inscripción en la parte superior: "ESPAÑA." y "TROPAS DE LA CASA REAL" "LÁM. VI." ; Inscripción en la parte inferior izquierda: "Antiguos Guardias de Corps." ; Inscripción en la parte inferior derecha: "Brigada de Artilleria volante de los antiguos Corps." ; Estampa separada de: Album de la infanteria española desde sus primitivos tiempos hasta el dia / por el General Conde de Clonard. -- Madrid : Impr. y Lit. Militar del Atlas S. Bernardino, 1861
To think today a pedagogy that asks for peace seems to be a matter of conjuncture, a stomach response to current issues, but it would be pertinent to recognize that this theme was already part of the "utopian anticipations" of the classics of pedagogy; Comenius, Rousseau, Kant, Pestalozzi, Herbart, Freire, among others.
In: Analele Universității București: Annals of the University of Bucharest = Les Annales de l'Université de Bucarest. Științe politice = Political science series = Série Sciences politiques, Volume 16, Issue 1, p. 9-24
This article presents the often overlooked interdisciplinary field of Peace Studies with a focus on its historical evolution since its emergence in the early 20th century. For this purpose, it first overviews its major institutional developments identifying four stages in this evolution: origins (1914-1945), institutionalisation (1945-1970), discipline development (1970-1990), discipline consolidation (from 1990 onwards). Second, it identifies six major lines of inquiry / features within the debates that have defined the discipline: approaching violence and promoting peace; necessity of an interdisciplinary approach; peaceful and non-violent management of conflicts; global and multi- cultural focus; balance between scientific analysis and normative engagement; relation between academic and practical purposes. Finally, it reviews the contemporary agenda of Peace Studies, identifying the current trends in the discipline.
Inscripción en la parte superior: "ESPAÑA." y "TROPAS DE LA CASA REAL" "LÁM. VII." ; Inscripción en la parte inferior izquierda: "Brigada de Carabineros Reales. Año 1732." ; Inscripción en la parte inferior derecha: "Granaderos á Caballo del Rei. Año de 1731" ; Estampa separada de: Album de la infanteria española desde sus primitivos tiempos hasta el dia / por el General Conde de Clonard. -- Madrid : Impr. y Lit. Militar del Atlas S. Bernardino, 1861
El presente estudio es parte de una investigación más amplia desarrollada en el contexto de un curso de doctorado y, en principio, presenta la tesis de investigación que se centra en la necesidad de articular los conceptos de los estudios de multiculturalismo y paz en el complejo y conflictivo entorno contemporáneo. Sostenemos que un mayor diálogo entre los estudios de multiculturalismo y de paz podría fortalecer la educación en multiculturalismo y paz y contribuir a la construcción de una cultura de paz en el ámbito educativo. Asimismo, sugerimos que, con vistas a ese fin, sería útil formar asociaciones entre las universidades y las instituciones militares para ampliar el alcance de la educación en multiculturalismo y paz para preparar a educadores tanto en entornos educativos civiles como militares. El objetivo es fomentar el entendimiento de la diversidad cultural y de los desafíos que plantea la construcción social de fronteras vinculadas a las diferencias culturales. El artículo presenta el marco teórico en el que se debaten los significados y alcances de los estudios de multiculturalismo y paz. Finalmente, sugiere formas en las que una educación enfocada en el multiculturalismo y la paz podría representar un activo tanto para estudiantes soldados como para civiles, promoviendo la enseñanza de los docentes más allá de los entornos de educación formal e incorporando también los ámbitos militares, lo que representaría un activo para el desarrollo de una cultura de paz. los crímenes más horrorosos.
Se analiza el proceso de paz que se adelanta en Colombia entre la insurgencia de las FARCEP y el Gobierno de Colombia, observado desde los enfoques teóricos de los Estudios de la Paz, y desde la perspectiva del movimiento social, argumentando la necesidad de asumir el enfoque epistemológico de la Paz Transformadora y Participativa como vía para propiciar procesos integrales de construcción de paz más allá de la negociación.
The Ecumenical Committee for Peace (MEP) made its roots in this prophecy that has continued to move theological thinking, solidarity action, social commitment and liberating political audacity in pastoral and missionary practice of the Christian history of Latin America. It is an action in which various social sectors have been engaging and articulate to help create conditions for peace with justice and equality a reality in Colombia.
The negotiation and current agreements reached between the FARC-EP and the government, with their respective adjustments, are made in a rather unfavorable international political context, which will somehow impact on the implementation of the same, we will analyze this Latin American and Colombian context to close With the peace process and its implementation.
From a qualitative research exercise conducted in the municipality of San Carlos, Antioquia on the meanings that the communities have been built around the peace process between the Government and FARC, is what the participants believe that peace has been captured by the State, the media, and some economic sectors in favor of the extractive development (mining and energy). This has led to set up a peace that is built from above, which is manipulated, which does not obey the interests of peasants and victims, which fails to transform the structural conditions, which are at the basis of the emergence of the armed conflict and which do not enable the active and real participation of citizens. At the psychosocial level, this capture has given rise to the construction of a collective emotional orientatio of distrus and indignation with the peace process, which is established in political control instruments since it disables the collective action, promotes hopelessness, fatalism, and apathy of citizens.
We are witnessing a new cycle of violence and uprooting promoted by the alliances between multinational corporations and the state, through which it is intended to destroy nature. We understand the environmental problems and climate change associated with the extractivist model. Therefore, in rejection of the notion of progress that has been imposed, we think that it is necessary to change the concept of development by the plans of life. We think that the answer to such problems should be to work for social, economic and environmental justice, in the case of Oriente Antioqueño, Colombia.
In this article, we examine the visual motif of the corpse and its presence in the public sphere in times of pandemic from an iconographic, political and anthropological perspective. Through the analysis of the representation of the dead body in images presented by modern media, we reflect on how the formal and iconographic schemes of presentation of death were transformed following the irruption of the Covid-19 pandemic in March 2020. The pandemic scheme, which is unusual from a political and anthropological perspective, assumes a particular approach to the problem of the representation of the dead body (anonymous body, carrier of a virus), encrypted in a dialectic between systematic omission and censorship and displacement of the representation of death towards the cumulative symmetry of empty pits or coffins that prefigure the corpse to come. Pandemic iconography, often based on science fiction imagery, outlines the dehumanized restlessness of a dystopian future. Under these exceptional conditions, some corpses, which are a priori anonymous, stand out, showing, even in the suspended space of Covid-19, the permanence of structural schemes of violence that must be denounced and fought in the present. With that in mind, we also examine the corpses claimed by Black Lives Matter and their distinctive representations, which are very different from those of the victims of the epidemic. Finally, through these references and based on the media treatment of Diego Armando Maradona's body, we consider the significance of the return of the iconic corpse to the center of the public sphere, which imposes a regime of extreme visibility and goes beyond the representative limits of pandemic exceptionality. ; En este artículo estudiamos, desde una perspectiva iconográfica, política y antropológica, el motivo visual del cadáver y su presencia en la esfera pública en tiempos de pandemia. A partir del análisis de la representación del cuerpo muerto en las imágenes de los medios de comunicación actuales, hemos tratado de pensar cómo se transformaron los esquemas formales e iconográficos de presentación de la muerte con la irrupción, desde marzo de 2020, de la pandemia de Covid-19. El régimen pandémico, excepcional a nivel político y antropológico, supone un acercamiento particular a la problemática de la representación del cuerpo muerto (cuerpo anónimo, portador de un virus), cifrado en una dialéctica entre un régimen de omisión y censura y el desplazamiento de la representación de la muerte hacia la simetría acumulativa de las fosas o ataúdes vacíos que prefiguran el cadáver por venir. La iconografía pandémica, construida con frecuencia sobre el imaginario de la ciencia-ficción, perfila la inquietud deshumanizada de un futuro distópico. En esas condiciones de excepcionalidad, algunos cadáveres, a priori anónimos, se singularizan, mostrando, aún en el espacio en suspenso de la Covid-19, la permanencia de esquemas estructurales de violencia que se deben denunciar y combatir en presente. En ese sentido, proponemos también estudiar los cadáveres reivindicados por el Black Lives Matter y la peculiar forma representativa que toman, muy diferente a los de las víctimas de la epidemia. Finalmente, desde estas coordenadas y a partir del tratamiento mediático del cuerpo de Diego Armando Maradona, consideramos como significativo el retorno al centro de la esfera pública del cadáver icónico, que impone un régimen de extrema visibilidad y desborda los límites representativos de la excepcionalidad pandémica.
The position of Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, concerning the establishment of a Palestinian State has been, at a conceptual level, rather consistent. Since assuming the office of Prime Minister for the second time some months ago (he served as Prime Minister between 1996 and 1999), his stance on this matter has evolved in a coherent manner.To begin with, Netanyahu said that, in the context of a peace agreement with the Palestinian Authority, he would be in favour of the creation of an entity in which the Palestinians would enjoy the fullest possible degree of liberty and political authority commensurate with Israel's vital security interests.Following his first official meeting with US President Barack Obama, Netanyahu was asked by reporters whether he would agree to the establishment of a Palestinian state. He retorted by saying that it was not important how one defined a Palestinian entity that would emerge as a result of a peace accord so long as there was agreement on its contents.In his speech at Bar Ilan University in Israel, in which, for the first time, Netanyahu endorsed, in principle, the idea a Palestinian state, the Israeli Prime Minister did not argue his case in a top-bottom manner. Netanyahu did not say he was in favour of a two-state solution and went on to explain what he meant by that. He did not state, first and foremost, that he would accept a Palestinian state living side by side with Israel. Rather, he argued his case in a bottom-up way.He started by describing the kind of Palestinian entity that would be acceptable to Israel in the framework of a peace agreement. That entity would have to be, according to Netanyahu, fully demilitarized, with iron-clad international supervision. He made it clear, albeit in a rather implicit manner, that the frontiers would have to be supervised to prevent smuggling of prohibited weaponry, and the freedom of its airspace would have to be partially curtailed to avert any possible aerial attack of Israeli targets.Netanyahu then went on to say that, if the aforementioned conditions were met, he would agree to the establishment of a Palestinian state.In other words, the kind of Palestinian entity Netanyahu would accept was identical to the kind of entity he was ready to accept even prior to his Bar Ilan speech. Now, however, he went a step further, saying that he would agree that such an entity be a state. Netanyahu was prepared to endorse the idea of a Palestinian state as long as the main characteristics he thought essential for an autonomous entity were to be applied to such a state. Netanyahu agreed to the creation of a Palestinian state primarily due the pressures exerted by the Obama Administration. To be sure, other countries with which Israel had close relations, such as Germany, Britain, France and Italy made it clear to Israel, both in private and in public, that the endorsement of a Palestinian state, as an integral component of a peace agreement, was essential.However, the manner by which Netanyahu presented his consent to the creation of a Palestinian state was related to his domestic audience. The bottom-up approach adopted by him during his Bar Ilan speech could be understood as an attempt by Netanyahu to assuage his domestic constituency. By describing first the main characteristics of a Palestinian entity, by emphasizing the security elements essential to Israel to begin with, and then moving on to state that he would be ready to accept a Palestinian state, Netanyahu may have wished to convey the impression that the change entailed in his position was of a gradual, incremental nature, rather than a radical departure from his previous stance.Netanyahu did not wish to portray himself as the De Gaule of a Palestinian state. He had no intention for his Bar Ilan speech to become the Balfour Declaration for the Palestinian people.His speech was designed to fend off external pressures while maintaining the support of his domestic audience. He had to maintain a delicate equilibrium by adopting the idea of a Palestinian state while doing so in a manner that did not cause a political earthquake in Israel. His whole speech, to be sure, was aimed at eliciting the support of the international community while maintaining the backing of his domestic base.Although many on the right of the Israeli political spectrum objected to the speech and some in the international community were not fully satisfied with it, Netanyahu managed, so far, to remove this issue from the international agenda as a bone of contention without causing any ruptures within his domestic base.The bottom-up analytical approach of Netanyahu in presenting his endorsement of a Palestinian state stands in contrasts to the way the parties to the left of the Likud argue their case in favour of a Palestinian state.Kadima, Labour and Meretz, the three main Zionist political parties to the left of the Likud, advance their position on this matter in a top-bottom dialectical manner. They start by the headline, so to speak, by saying that they favour a two-state solution or the establishment of a Palestinian state next to Israel. They hardly move into specifics, at least not in public. Netanyahu, as we have seen, moved from the main features of a Palestinian entity to the headline, to the endorsement of a Palestinian state.Indeed, these parties argue their case in an instrumental vein as well. The creation of a Palestinian state, they contend, is an interest of Israel. Israel would not be making any favours by agreeing to such a state. It would be operating in its own self interest.Netanyahu's argument in this regard is not instrumental. He wishes to convey the impression that such a Palestinian state would entail some notable sacrifices. It is a concession done under duress, rather than a unilateral decision reached from purely self-interest.Notwithstanding all this, it should be stressed that none of the Zionist parties to the left of Netanyahu would accept a Palestinian state that would not be demilitarized, the frontiers of which would not be supervised and the aerial space of which would be fully under the control of a Palestinian state.In this regard, Netanyahu expresses explicitly what these parties say implicitly.In contrast to his first tenure as Prime Minister, Netanyahu has been adopting a consensual rather than a confrontational approach to policy-making. Indeed, he has even said so explicitly on more than one occasion. Both in shaping his domestic and his foreign policy Netanyahu has been endeavouring to be inclusive rather than exclusive. Following his Bar Ilan speech, he stated that he has embraced a policy towards the peace process which encompasses a large consensus within Israel.Netanyahu has been, so far, more of a problem solver than an opportunity creator. This has led him to adopt a somewhat defensive posture aimed at avoiding political and diplomatic convulsions. His main objective seems to be stability. Paradoxically, his adoption of the idea of a Palestinian state was undertaken as part of this same defensive posture. *Diplomacy Program. Tel Aviv University. Israel
