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After the First World War, the German colonial empire was put under the mandate of the League of Nations. Day-to-day administrative affairs in former German Togoland were handed, under the stewardship of the League of Nations, to the United Kingdom and France. The shift from German to French administration in the eastern part led to the implementation of numerous changes including the renaming of places in the capital city Lomé: each and every name relating to Germany being banned and replaced by others relating to France or French colonial history. Another limited round of place renaming took place from 1960, in celebration of the country's independence from French colonial rule. The 1967 military coup meant political and military empowerment of people from the North over the political elite from the South showing in many ways where the new power came from. Place renaming occurred again, even in rural areas. In the 1970s, a name cleansing – topononymic as well as patronymic – took place under the new political ideology of "African authenticity". Nevertheless, by law, each and every Togolese citizen had to change his/her name to an "authentic" one, with no means of escape since new identity documents were no longer issued with former Christian names. Allowing individuals to keep their former Christian names was a strong demand in the national sovereign conferences that took place in the 1990s. Nowadays, and despite other social priorities having to be achieved quickly, place renaming still occurs according to two principles dealing with power, although in very different ways. In the Litimé, a remote rural area which is a former frontier where land issue is at stake after the saturation of settled land, competition over land ownership is set between local people and foreign settlers. Traditional leaders, in cooperation with the ruling party, tried to take over the local toponymy in an attempt to remove the names of settlements and neighbourhoods with foreign origins. In the capital city, at the time of the so-called "political opening", symbolic places (landmarks) continue to celebrate the memory of the former dictator through brand new names, even if symbolic concessions are made in an attempt to bring balance and honour the memory of the leaders of the independence movement. A century after the first colonial toponymic struggle in Togo, political place name issues are still on the agenda of both central power and local stakeholders.

Abstract
The study of Armenian toponyms constitutes a relatively underexplored and insufficiently addressed domain within the field of Armenian Studies. Unfortunately, the seminal works by Joseph Marquart (1901) and, especially, Heinrich Hübschmann (1904), supplemented later with insightful publications by Kapancyan (1940; 1956), hitherto remain the sole substantial contributions to the realm of Armenian toponymy. Subsequent to that period and up to the present day, only sporadic researches have been done on this subject. The present paper aims at providing a brief overview of the general outlines of the Armenian toponymic system.

"The vast majority of place names are based, from a lexical-grammatical point of view, on nouns that denote things, beings, phenomena of nature, abstract notions. Less numerous than nouns, the adjectives have the ability to exploit to a much greater extent the imagination and creativity of those who observe and name the objects of the surrounding geographical environment and have a much more expressive character. In the pages of this article, we stopped at the analysis of a single adjective that has aroused, over time, ample discussion: frumos – beautiful. The structure of the names in the composition it is found, their frequency, lexical synonyms of the qualifier present in the toponymy are some of the directions of analysis. "

This essay explores the toponymy of Great and Little Tonb (pron. tōm), two islands at the entrance to the Persian Gulf overlooking the main shipping lanes near the Straits of Hormuz. In view of their close proximity to the Persian coast, the Tonbs are considered geographically Persian islands.This essay will provide, first and foremost, a consolidated record of the islands' nomenclature, with a view to ascertaining the etymological origins of the islands' many names. Toponyms tell us about physical and human geography in a historical context. To that extent, a study of place names is not free from political and legal implications.

The article provides a short review of Latvian toponyms deriving from the root Dievs 'God' and svēts 'holy'. The name 'God' (Latv. Dievs) is quite infre- quent among Latvian place-names: altogether there are about 70 place-names mentioned in the 'Dictionary of Latvian Place-Names', among them around 10 hydronyms. If we compare this with Latvian hydronyms derived from the root Velns 'Devil', we see that Veln- toponyms are much more common – about 2000 Latvian place-names. Most instances of the root Dievs are recorded in mi- crotoponyms (about 26), hydronyms (10), oikonyms (10) and oronyms (6). Ap- proximately the same number of place-names with this root have been recorded in Lithuania. Altogether, Latvian toponyms with the root svēts 'holy' constitute about 200 items in the card index, most being names of hills (about 30), springs (about 20), the water of which was thought to be curative, as well as several river- names (about 20), lake-names (about 15) and names of holy trees (about 30 al- together – the largest proportion being oak and lime trees). Most of this material comes from the card index of the Latvian Language In- stitute and is relatively new: the most ancient records of place-names with the root 'God' and 'holy' are from the 18th century.

The paper deals with the identification of the Iranian place-names produced with the lexical elements derived from South West Iranian *didā-/*daidā- "fortress, a fortified walled residence" (vs. North West Iranian *dizā-/*daizā- 'id.'), hitherto assumed to be absent from the geographic nomenclature of Iran and the adjoining areas.

Desovietization of urban toponymy is understood in the paper as a process of abandoning the unified "matrix of urbanonyms" that formed a common Soviet identity, and as an indicator of the transition of Russian society from unification of identity to its diversity. The paper proves that the practices of desovietization of the urban toponymy in Russia differ significantly, and such differences are associated with regional combinations of political orientations of the population and political orientations of the ruling elite. Poles of geographical electoral cleavages, types of electoral cultures (according to R.F. Turovsky) describe geographical differences in the processes of desovietization of toponymy. It is shown what influence the organizational and political features of regional and city administrations had on the features and course of desovietization during renaming periods. In addition to the general trend of transition from a single Soviet matrix of urbanonyms to regional diversification of toponymic approaches, there is a tendency toward "deideologization" and "regionalization" of toponymy through the consolidation of regional historical memory; for national republics, minimal deideologization, replaced by decolonization, accompanied by nationalization and the same regionalization of toponymy.

Autor na primjeru kornatskog podmorja pokušava objasniti neke specifičnosti imenovanja podvodnih referenata. Najprije dijeli sve ovakve toponime u dvije velike grupe: u prvoj su tzv pošte na kojima se kroz čitavu povijest ovoga otočja lovila plava riba velikim mrežama, a u drugoj svi ostali ribarski tereni — praktički čitav kornatski litoral — na kojemu se odnedavna lovi riba malim ribolovnim sredstvima. Prva konstatacija koja proizlazi iz analize tih naziva jest da su likovi podvodnih toponima postojani, tj. da nema varijanata naziva, što je inače karakteristično za kornatski toponimijski sustav iznad površine mora. Na motivaciju u postupku denominacije podvodnih objekata ne utječu ni izgled, ni boja, ni oblik podvodnog referenta kao što je to slučaj na kopnu, već njegov položaj u odnosu na neki vidljivi toponim na kopnu, pa je i jezična struktura imena time uvjetovana. Naime, likovi podvodnih toponima mahom su višečlane toponomastičke sintagme kojima se izražava položajno ili proprljalno svojstvo podvodnog objekta u odnosu na neki drugi — vidljivi. Obrazac položajnog svojstva izgleda ovako: prijedlog -i poznati toponim u akuzativu (pod Lõnču, Pod Studenjàk. Ïzna Sïla, ltd,), a za proprijalno ovako: toponomastička imenica + prijedlog od + poznati toponim u genitivu [Brãk o Blïtvice, Brãk od Ökjuča, Méla o Vesejúha. itd.) Autor na koncu smatra da se, bez obzira na specifičnosti kornatske toponimije općenito, model toponimije kornatskog podmorja može naći i u drugim geografskim cjelinama kada se imenuju referenti koji se ne vide.

The decommunization in Ukraine took place differently than in other post-communist countries. For many years after the collapse of the USSR, Ukrainian society tolerated the post-communist remnants. The conflict with Russia has fundamentally changed the narrative in relation to historical memory. Through the active toponymic policy of the central government in 2014–2016, it was possible to get rid of almost all communist symbols and names in public space. Nevertheless, a retreat in the matter of commemoration cannot be ruled out, as left-wing, and sometimes even pro-communist, views remain popular among a large part of the Ukrainian society.

Abstract
In this article I focus on thirty toponyms from the Swāt Valley, Pakistan, that incorporate the concepts of 'big' and 'small'. In this context, 'big' is represented by three different adjectives, loy, luth, and mahā, while for 'small' we find two different suffixes, -ṛay and -g/k/xay, as well as the adjectives woṛ and waṛukay. Among other things, I also propose a new analysis of one of the toponyms already studied in my 2020 work on the Toponymy of the Swāt Valley, Altangurai.

In the artiсle, the author has analyzed a practical application of the Law of Ukraine "On Denouncing the Communist and the National-Socialist (Nazi) Totalitarian Regimes in Ukraine and Banning the Propaganda of their Symbols" on the example of Kharkiv-city urbanonims renaming. The author focused on the transformation of Kharkiv toponymy retrospectively.The mass renaming of the city streets that had happened in 1894 and 1936. The author describes the way those renaming proceeded. An urban place-network organizing and getting rid of numerous repetitions had become the primary purpose ofrenaming in 1894. The purpose of renaming in 1936 was to change an urban culturalspace in accordance with the Bolshevik ideology.The primary attention in the article was given to the process of Kharkiv-city toponymy decommunization during 2015‒2016. Participation of civil society in the renaming project making, as well as the cooperation of local government with the state authorities, was highlighted. Lists of toponymic changes proposedby the local government and Kharkiv Regional State Administration were analyzed. The general trends and approaches in the toponymic policy of the local government and Kharkiv Regional State Administration were determined. There were found the primary sources of urbanonims nomination and graphically represented their quantitative composition. The first two stages of the city toponym decommunization were conducted by the session decision of the Kharkiv City Council and the City Mayor Kernes order. The author notes that the mayor's office showed a tendency to conserve the existing toponymic landscape, which was manifested in many pseudo renamings, tended to preserve the existing names, and where it was impossible to avoid renaming, preferred neutral names. Names of contemporary Ukraine heroes, fighters for Ukrainian statehood in the 20th century, and symbolic names had an obvious advantage in this list of renaming. ; У статті проаналізовано практичне застосування Закону України «Про засудження комуністичного та націонал-соціалістичного (нацистського) тоталітарних режимів в Україні та заборону пропаганди їхньої символіки» на прикладі перейменувань урбанонімів міста Харкова. Ретроспективно висвітлено трансформацію харківської топоніміки. Охарактеризовано основні масові перейменування міських вулиць, які відбулися у 1894 та 1936 роках. Встановлено, що головною метою перейменувань 1894 року стало упорядкування міської топонімічної мережі, позбавлення її численних повторів. Перейменування 1936 року були направлені на зміну міського культурного простору відповідно до більшовицької ідеології. Викриття злочинів комуністичної доби наприкінці 1980-х – початку 90-х років призвело до перших змін в урбанонімічному середовищі Харкова. Проте процес перейменувань не став тоді масовим. Основна увага у статті приділена процесу декомунізації міської топоніміки Харкова у 2015-2016 роках, який відбувався у три етапи. Висвітлено участь громадянського суспільства у розробці проекту перейменувань та взаємодії з мерією й органами державної влади. Проаналізовано списки топонімічних змін, що були запропоновані органами місцевого самоврядування та Харківською обласною державною адміністрацією, виявлено загальні тенденції та підходи у топонімічній політиці цих інституцій. Встановлено основні джерела номінації урбанонімів, графічно подано їх кількісний склад. Аналіз здійснених перейменувань засвідчив різні підходи у формуванні урбанонімічного середовища Харкова. Автор зазначає, що у мерії демонстрували тенденцію до консервації наявного топонімічного ландшафту, що проявилось у низці псевдоперейменувань, схилялися до збереження наявних назв, а де неможливо було уникнути перейменувань, віддавали перевагу нейтральним назвам. В обласній адміністрації ставку зробили на національно-патріотичний дискурс, додавши у міський топонімічний простір імена героїв АТО, Небесної Сотні, борців за українську державність у ХХ столітті, символічні назви, що до певної міри гармонізувало топонімічний простір міста.