Search results

This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen. ; This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen.

Narančasta revolucija u Ukrajini 2004. godine za prozapadno i prodemokratski orijentirane građane i Zapad tada je tumačena kao pobjeda demokracije u toj zemlji. Proruski orijentirano stanovništvo i Rusija predstavljali su je kao državni udar. Ovaj se rad bavi značenjem Narančaste revolucije za demokratizaciju Ukrajine. O stupnju realizacije njenih ciljeva govori se kroz prikaz izbornih događaja iz 2004,. naknadnih promjena vlasti i Druge revolucije. Posebna se pozornost poklanja političkom djelovanju Viktora Juščenka, Julije Timošenko i Viktora Janukoviča kao vođa političkih stranaka koje su najzaslužnije za provođenje ili odmak od ideja o demokratizaciji Ukrajine kojima je vođena Narančasta revolucija. ; Ukraine's "Orange Revolution" in 2004 was interpreted differently by the country's Western- and Eastern-oriented populations and by their international counterparts. The West saw it as a win for democracy, whereas the pro-Russian population and Russia presented it as a coup d'état. The present paper addresses the significance of the Orange Revolution in the democratization of Ukraine. The degree to which its goals have been realized is considered in the aftermath of the elections in 2004, the subsequent multiple changes in the government, and the Second Revolution. Special attention is paid to the political actions of Viktor Yushchenko, Yulia Tymoshenko, and Viktor Yanukovych, the leaders of the most prominent parties at the time. They were most responsible for realisation or the departure from the goals of democratization of Ukraine that motivated the Orange Revolution.

The paper contains an analysis of land administration systems in transition countries on the example of South Eastern European countries. An analysis of regulation on registration of real estate registration and rights was done in addition to the comparison of institutions and jurisdictions. Also an analysis of registers of real estates and real estate rights has been done and their main features listed. The paper provides insight into some of the technological achievements in the field of improvement and modernization of land administration systems. ; U radu je provedena analiza sustava upravljanja zemljištem u tranzicijskim zemljama na primjeru zemalja jugoistočne Europe. Analizirani su propisi o upisu nekretnina i prava na njima te je obavljena usporedba institucija i nadležnosti. Analizirani su upisnici nekretnina i prava na njima te navedene njihove glavne značajke. Također je dan uvid u neka od tehnoloških dostignuća na području unaprjeđenja i modernizacije sustava upravljanja zemljištem.

The problems of democratic legitimation & the ineffectiveness of the democratic system characterize the postsocialist societies despite their normative-institutional democratic constitution. The socioeconomic conditions affect democratization, but it seems that the sociocultural factors (especially the patterns of dominant political cultures) are the key determinants for the survival & development of the democratic political system. Transitional societies are marked by developmental discontinuity. Normative-institutional & culturological changes possess different dynamics & do not occur concurrently. This discrepancy brings into question the legitimacy & success of democratic consolidation. Such an interactive relationship between the political culture & the political system (structure) makes up the framework for the study of major political-cultural preconditions for democratization. The paper deals with the sociocultural features of transition, the nature of cultural changes (value changes & institutional learning), political trust, legitimacy, the features of civic political culture, the attitude towards power & authority, political participation, the role of political elites, the sociocultural aspect of economic development, & the interest in politics. It is possible to overcome the distinctive discrepancy between culture & structure primarily by means of the transformation of sociocultural preconditions i.e. as democratic resocialization (through the processes of value change & institutional learning). It turns out that democratic consolidation is essentially defined by this sociocultural transformation. Sociocultural conditions i.e. political-cultural preconditions, are the key predictors of the success of the democratizational process. Apart from the implemented values of democracy & the citizens' acceptance of these values, democracy also requires active citizenry, hence the expansion of citizens' participation is seen as the main goal of that transformation. References. Adapted from the source document.

Premda su u 20. stoljeću i druge države prolazile kroz dramatične društvene i političke promjene, i to od totalitarizma do konsolidirane demokracije, Južnoafrička Republika slučaj je za sebe. Poziciju sui generis najjužnija afrička država dobila je zbog rigorozne rasne segregacije i diskriminacije koju je režim sustavno provodio prema domicilnom stanovništvu.Vrhunac te politike bilo je uvođenje aparthejda 1950. godine, koji je uz kontinuiranu represiju i istodobnu međunarodnu izolaciju potrajao do 1990. i početka demokratske i postsegregacijske tranzicije. Nakon tri ciklusa višerasnih kompetitivnih izbora Južnoafrička Republika danas je država čiju uspješno započetu tranziciju obilježavaju relativno visok stupanj unutarnje stabilnosti i aktivna uloga u međunarodnoj zajednici, ali i potpuno novi izazovi, od side i porasta kriminala do regionalnih suparništava i opasnosti od pojave "obrnutog" rasizma. ; In the 20th century a number of countries went through dramatic social and political changes, passing from totalitarianism to consolidated democracy, but South Africa is in a league of its own. The southernmost African state has acquired a sui generis position due to the fact that its regime sistematically exercised rigorous racial segregation and discrimination against the natives. The peak of that policy was the introduction of apartheid in 1950 which was characterised by sustained repression and simultaneous international isolation. Apartheid came to an end in 1990 with the beginning of democratic and post-segregational transition. After three cycles of multirace competitive elections, South Africa is today a state whose successfully launched transition is marked by a relatively high degree of internal stability and an active role in the international community, but also by completely new challenges, such as AIDS and an increase in crime, regional rivalries and the threat of emergence of an "inverse" racism.