Suchergebnisse

Die Beteiligung an Kommunalwahlen gehört zu den "blindesten" Flecken der empirischen Wahlsoziologie. Vor diesem Hintergrund wurde anlässlich der Kommunalwahl 2004 in Nordrhein-Westfalen in Duisburg eine Fallstudie mittels einer telefonischen Umfrage durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass eine Palette von Faktoren sowohl individueller als auch kontextbasierter Art die Teilnahme an lokalen Wahlen beeinflusst. Zu ersteren zählt die Wahrnehmung von mangelnder Kompetenz und Responsivität der Parteien (gerade auch auf lokaler Ebene), aber auch Unzufriedenheit mit der Demokratie insgesamt. Ebenso lassen sich Effekte instrumenteller Erwägungen, einer internalisierten Wahlnorm sowie einer hohen politischen Involvierung nachweisen. Eine Bindung an die Stadt Duisburg und ein hohes Maß an sozialem Vertrauen sind partizipationsförderlich. Noch gewichtigere Determinanten sind politisch geprägte Interaktionen in sozialen Netzwerken: Gerade sozial verankerte Wahlnormen sind - neben einem Interesse an Kommunalpolitik - genuine Einflussfaktoren auf die kommunale Wahlbeteiligung. (Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen / FUB)

SP: El artículo revela las peculiaridades del votante ucraniano moderno como un fenómeno especial en la ciencia política. El objetivo principal de la investigación es formar un retrato del votante moderno basado en los datos de algunas encuestas sociológicas, así como abordar la aparición y formación de la imagen de un candidato deseable para el votante. Se utilizaron métodos de análisis histórico, estadísticos, así como el método de comparación. En los resultados destacan que en la personalidad del votante entenderemos a un sujeto que hace una elección consciente de esa figura política que él (el votante) considera capaz de resolver problemas urgentes de la vida, tanto del Estado como de su persona. En este sentido, la atención se centra en revelar los estados de ánimo en la sociedad ucraniana moderna, para describir la imagen de "un candidato ideal" a los ojos de un votante moderno. Se prestó especial atención a la personalidad como elemento integral del espacio sociopolítico y la cosmovisión del ámbito político y electoral. Se concluye que el contexto histórico es muy importante en la formación del entorno político ucraniano, lo que dejar entrever analíticamente las peculiaridades del significado del acto del sufragio. EN: The article reveals the peculiarities of the modern Ukrainian voter as a special phenomenon in political science. The main objective of the research is to form a portrait of the modern voter based on data from some sociological surveys, as well as to address the emergence and formation of the image of a desirable candidate for the voter. Historical and statistical analysis methods as well as the comparison method were used. In the results they emphasize that in the personality of the voter we will understand a subject who makes a conscious choice of that political figure that he (the voter) considers capable of solving urgent problems of life, both State and of his person. In this regard, the focus is on revealing the moods in modern Ukrainian society, to describe the image of "an ideal candidate" in the eyes of a modern voter. Special attention was paid to personality as an integral element of the socio-political space and the worldview of the political and electoral sphere. It is concluded that the historical context is very important in the formation of the Ukrainian political environment, which makes us glimpse analytically the peculiarities of the meaning of the act of suffrage.

Using data on members on the Council of Economic Advisors as well as US Treasury secretaries and OMB directors from 1952 through 2005, I investigate the effect of economic advisors' educational and employment backgrounds on the time series performance of several policy variables. Ivy League advisors appear to raise non-defense government spending, although the size of the impact differs by president. While voter preferences appear to matter for a wider variety of policy variables (changes in federal regulation and marginal tax rates), the share of Ivy League advisors is at least as important as voter preferences in explaining non-defense spending. Adapted from the source document.

The enormous controversy over Florida's 2000 presidential election focused everyone's attention on ballots with no recorded vote in presidential races, but non-voting generally becomes greater farther down the ballot and the drop-off rate varies by type of machine. Ward-level data for the 1992, 1996 and 2000 elections in Ohio demonstrate that only looking at races at the top of the ballot is misleading. The rush to eliminate punch card ballots actually increases the number of non-votes for other offices than it reduces them for the presidential election at the top. Differential impacts of voting machines by race, gender, and age are also examined. Adapted from the source document.

Using two different data sources--municipal level data and individual data--we consider several hitherto unexplored aspects of the relationship between voting technology and election outcomes. We distinguish between introductory and permanent effects of electronic voting, and between national and municipal elections. We test for a possible asymmetry between the effect of moving from paper ballots to electronic voting, and vice versa, and we control for polling station density. We find a positive but temporary effect of electronic voting on voter turnout, a negative effect on the fraction of residual votes, and no effect on the share of left wing parties. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines the effect of immigration on the extent of income redistribution via majority voting on the income tax. The tax outcome depends on the size of the native majority and the initial amount of redistribution in the economy, which in turn determines the skill composition of immigrants. As a main result, we derive conditions for multiple tax equilibria: if the native majority of either skilled or unskilled is not too strong and immigrants are allowed to vote, both a high-tax and a low-tax outcome is possible. In a referendum, natives will then vote against immigrant voting. At best, natives are indifferent towards immigrant voting. Adapted from the source document.

The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 allowed governors of the fifty states to designate low-income areas as a "Qualified Opportunity Zone" (QOZ), which entitled the investors in these QOZs to significant tax incentives. As a result, each governor's designation of QOZs provided an opportunity for the governor to introduce investments in low-income communities that would, in principle, increase economic opportunities in these areas. At the same time, each governor's decision also provided an opportunity for the governor to reward political allies, to buy voter support, and to help business interests. Which of these many factors influenced the designation of QOZs? In this paper we estimate the impact of economic and political variables on the governors' decisions to choose which areas among all eligible areas would receive QOZ status and which would not. We find that the QOZ selection process overall seems to have been relatively technocratic, with many of the strongest factors that determine QOZ designation being indicators of economic distress such as higher rates of unemployment, welfare receipt, or lower median income, all of which are consistent with the presumed goals of QOZs. Even so, we also find that political factors are significant in QOZ designation, with Democratic representation being negatively associated with QOZ nomination and with political representation by a local politician of the same party as the governor being positively associated with QOZ nomination. Of some note, we also find that areas with higher college attainment are favored.

Are blank or unmarked ballots in an election a random event? The comparative literature on elections suggests otherwise, linking blank ballots to political protest or social and demographic characteristics of voters. Rational choice theory offers explanations rooted in civic duty and net benefits associated with uncompetitive elections. Similarly, when a voter decides to vote, the literature on party competition and electoral turnout offers the possibility that a blank ballot is another choice beyond voting for a specific candidate or party. While little research exists on blank ballots in election systems lacking compulsory voting, this article presents an exploratory analysis using data from the 1999 and 2003 provincial elections in Ontario. The study finds that while demographic characteristics matter, party competition also provides an explanation for casting blank ballots consistent with expectations of rational choice theory.

We outline various ways in which the single transferable vote-counting (STV) algorithm used by the Australian Capital Territory (ACT) differs from the basic STV algorithm as well-known from social choice theory. Most of these differences were instituted to make it easier and faster to determine the result of counting around 300,000 ballots by hand. We give small examples to show how such "simplifications" can lead to counter-intuitive results. We also argue that these "simplifications" significantly complicate computer implementation and general understanding of the counting procedure, especially in a mathematical sense. We then demonstrate the strange effects of these "simplifications" in real-world computer counted election results which were published by ACT Elections. It is imperative that electoral commissions begin the legislative processes required to replace their existing "simplified" STV with "unsimplified" STV.

I analyze a minimax solution to the problem of social choice in a multidimensional policy space called the defensive optimum (DO). The proposed solution applies to a wide variety of models in voting including those concerning political advertising, incumbency advantage and interest group politics. The defensive optimum always exists, is unique and is continuous in the density of voter preferences. When a Condorcet winner exists it corresponds to the defensive optimum and, appealingly, the DO is always located on planes about with the density of voters is symmetric. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to discuss the role of kiai in building voter participation. The method used is a qualitative approach. Data collection using observation, interviews, and observations. Analysis uses an interactive model. The results of the study show that scholars have 3 (three) roles in politics, namely as political political patrons, political elites, and political mediators. Kiai as political patrons become a reference in making political choices. Kiai are active political elites in the management of political parties and mass mobilization. Kiai as political mediators mediate in political conflicts.