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Rep. Pramila Jayapal came to the US for college at just 16 years old. She found success in finance, nonprofits and activism before deciding to take her fight to politics. She joined David to talk about knowing when to use her legislative leverage as chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, getting the bipartisan infrastructure bill over the finish line, the need for filibuster reform to protect voting rights and her relationship with President Biden.
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This article contests the conventional view that the 'Depressed Classes' lost out on representation by agreeing to joint electorates in the Poona Pact. It analyses the results of the elections to the provincial legislatures in British India that took place in 1936–1937 and 1945–1946 under the Government of India Act, 1935, to concretely appraise the working of the Poona Pact. The article argues that reserved seats, primary elections and cumulative voting redeemed the ability of the Poona Pact to provide both descriptive and substantive representation for the 'Depressed Classes'.

Abstract
We study experimentally the properties of the majority run-off system and compare them to those of plurality rule. Our focus is on Duverger's famous prediction that the plurality rule leads to higher co-ordination of votes on a limited number of candidates than the majority run-off rule. We find strong co-ordination forces under both systems. However, as predicted by the theory, in some cases these forces are stronger under plurality. Despite these differences in voting behaviour, we find small and mostly not significant differences in electoral outcomes and, hence, voters' welfare.

The legacies of racial violence are generally understudied and thus not well understood. Extant academic work on the topic generally focuses on a specific form of contention like war or rebellion as well as specific consequences like economic development or voting. I use insights from a global evaluation of the political and economic consequences of contention to identify the pitfalls of this typical approach and argue for an alternative that I call integral violence studies: a comprehensive approach that brings together the best that social sciences and humanities have to offer in an effort to understand legacy effects.

Attention to public image is an ongoing responsibility for a President in a free society, by virtue of the fact that public opinion and favorability influence voting inclinations. Power influences, legislatively and symbolically, and the way it is wielded defines each President. Fala served as a figurative sponge that absorbed criticism against Roosevelt and wiped it away. Although public opinion regarding Roosevelt's politics was often very divided, Fala provided a positive distraction that shifted the public's focus away from Roosevelt's disability and served as a humanizing figure for adults and children alike to adore.

First published online: 08 April 2021 ; The literature on external voting overlooks why some political parties campaign abroad while others remain focused on the national territory. This article investigates the determinants of the strategic entry of political parties in overseas districts through analysing legislative elections in Ecuador (2007–2017). Based on a study of the incentives and constraints of political party presence abroad, we find that parties are more likely to compete for elections in overseas districts displaying a weaker party competition as well as when they account for previous electoral experience in these districts.

We develop a model of political competition with endogenous turnout and endogenous platforms. Parties trade off incentivizing their supporters to vote and discouraging the supporters of the competing party from voting. We show that the latter objective is particularly pronounced for a party with an edge in the political race. Thus, an increase in political support for a party may lead to the adoption of policies favoring its opponents so as to asymmetrically demobilize them. We study the implications for the political economy of redistributive taxation. Equilibrium tax policy is typically aligned with the interest of voters who are demobilized.

Pretendo tratar neste texto, ao menos a título exemplificativo, dos efeitos nefastos que a corrupto causa aos Direitos Humanos e Fundamentáis, no Brasil e no exterior. Varios órgaos e pesquisas intemacionais tém desde há muito evidenciado que aqueles Direitos sao letalmente impactados pelos atos corruptivos, na medida em que, por exemplo, the ability to promote and protect civil and political rights rests upon effectively combating political and judicial corruption (and viceversa). Transparency and access to Information empower individuáis to make informed decisions - jrom exercising their voting rights, tomonitoring how State expenditures are spent.

We develop a model of political competition with endogenous turnout and endogenous platforms. Parties trade off incentivizing their supporters to vote and discouraging the supporters of the competing party from voting. We show that the latter objective is particularly pronounced for a party with an edge in the political race. Thus, an increase in political support for a party may lead to the adoption of policies favoring its opponents so as to asymmetrically demobilize them. We study the implications for the political economy of redistributive taxation. Equilibrium tax policy is typically aligned with the interest of voters who are demobilized.

We examine how elite attitudes and institutional rules and norms affect appointments to lower federal courts. Using voting data from 1,339 U.S. Courts of Appeals cases, we estimate new ideological measures for 475 individual circuit judges appointed between 1913 and 2008. We find that both presidential and home-state senators' preferences strongly predict judicial ideology. While we find evidence that conditions of senatorial courtesy can constrain presidents from nominating like-minded individuals for lower court vacancies, this trend peaked during the 1960s and has been eroding ever since.

The study examines the agenda-setting aspirations of Hungarian political life between 2010and 2016 from a corruption research perspective. Using the available data, we estimate, basedon the monthly data series of a six-year period, using different statistical methods, whether theallocation of European Union funds used as a proxy for corruption had an impact on the supportof the ruling party. The results of the applied Bayesian vector autoregression do not provideevidence for the hypothesis that the increase in corruption associated with the increase in EUsubsidies reduces the popularity of the ruling party among the entire voting population.

Abstract
We analyse the political economy of the public provision of private goods when individuals care about their social status. Status concerns motivate richer individuals to vote for the public provision of goods they themselves buy in markets: a higher provision level attracts more individuals to the public sector, enhancing the social exclusivity of market purchases. Majority voting may lead to a public provision that only a minority of citizens use. Users in the public sector may enjoy better provision than users in the private system. We characterise the coalitions that can prevail in a political equilibrium.

As I was preparing my editorial for the Summer issue, I was focused on the 19th Amendment and looking forward to voting in the primaries. Then a few weeks later I was working from home and my university moved to online classes for the rest of the spring semester. I thought about writing on the coronavirus pandemic, but every day just gets crazier and it is all I can do to just deal with the crisis, let alone write about it. So I will go with my original editorial idea, and I wish everyone in government information land good health and safety.

One of the concerns of the coronavirus is how we'll handle voting in the 2020 election. Democrats have called for a blanket vote-by-mail system, while the Republicans have said that system would favor Democrats. But what does the data tell us about vote-by-mail?

A recent paper from soon to be Asst. Prof at UCLA, Dan Thompson, gives us the best data yet on how vote-by-mail effects turn out and partisans differences in elections. The results are surprising, and should change the debate over vote-by-mail.

Battleground state polls are a prominent part of U.S. election news coverage. In this experimental study (N = 863), we tested how polling results impact how partisans evaluate the news stories through which the polls are reported. Consistent with the hostile media perception, partisans tended to see articles as biased against their candidate, and perceived bias was amplified when their candidate trailed in the poll. Additionally, we found that a majority of news consumers believed the article would encourage their political copartisans in battleground states to vote, but would not impact the voting behavior of their political opponents.