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Spatial and identity research operates with differentiations and relations. These are particularly useful heuristic tools when examining border regions where social and geopolitical demarcations diverge. Applying this approach, the authors of this volume investigate spatial and identity constructions in cross-border contexts as they appear in everyday, institutional and media practices. The results are discussed with a keen eye for obliquely aligned spaces and identities and relinked to governmental issues of normalization and subjectivation. The studies base upon empirical surveys conducted in Germany, France, Belgium and Luxembourg.

This paper emphasises the importance of locating contemporary abolitionist social movements within a continuum of broader struggles against structural injustice. Previous decades have seen the re-emergence of women's penal reform programmes framed as progressive solutions for alleviating the structural disadvantages and harms associated with imprisonment. Abolitionists have provided fierce critiques of the risks these pose in reinforcing the legitimacy and scale of imprisonment. However, we have yet to articulate a clear vision regarding the utility of reform in relation to decarceration strategies. In presenting a critical exploration of anti-carceral feminist campaign work in Victoria, Australia, this paper advocates the need to move beyond the simplistically conceived dualism of reform and abolition. The analysis explores how anti-carceral feminists have used reform as a resistance strategy within Victorian anti-discrimination campaigns in the 1980s and 1990s. Placed in historical context, these campaigns demonstrate the transformative possibilities and risks associated with the necessary navigation and pursuit of reformist strategies that is fundamental to a politics and practice of abolition.

"Mainline Protestants and Divestment as International Economic Activism" published on by Oxford University Press.

International audience ; Our account of the interaction between politics and market actors in the French and German automotive industries tries to show how a classical economic explanation is not sufficient to understand and analyse the sector's current transformation based on the development of the electric car. From an economic-sociological point of view, we analyse how the negotiations between incumbent firms and challengers on the one hand, and public politics on electric cars on the other, affect the existing power balance in the French and German car industries. Although most carmakers are contributing to stabilising the sector's existing "conception of control" by adapting to the electric vehicle (EV) as a challenge to their strategies, national electric car programmes support carmakers in their desire to control innovation know-how as much as challengers seek to establish themselves in an emerging market. Together with carmakers' strategies, the role of politics is decisive in determining the degree to which the industry is changing. The transformative influence of politics should thus be taken more explicitly into account by economic sociology.

After the 2014 European Parliament elections the voices of Eurosceptic forces have become increasingly louder, with their activity beginning to have direct infl uence on the EU politics, which can be proved by the results of the 23rd June UK's EU referendum. Consequently, the interpretation of the term "Euroscepticism" and its typology is of a particular interest in the academic world. This article compares such varieties of Euroscepticism as "ideological" and "strategic". Basing on the defi nitions, given by N. Sitter, P. Kopecky and C. Mudde, the author analyses the policies of the United Kingdom Independence Party and the Italian "Five Star Movement". While both parties, calling for the withdrawal from the EU and the Eurozone respectively, and being members of the same European Parliament political group (Europe for Freedom and Direct Democracy) are considered anti-EU forces, Euroscepticism is not playing the same role in their policies. This can be explained by different historic attitude of the British and the Italians towards the European integration as well as different problems which the countries have to face being the EU members. Through examining the process of the parties' institutionalization, their structure, and analyzing their initial aims, election programs, party leaders' speeches and voting tactics in the European Parliament the author consistently proves that while in case of UKIP Euroscepticism is ideological and completely defi nes the party policy, in case of M5S it is purely strategic and aimed at attracting the electorate. ; После выборов в Европейский парламент 2014 года голоса евроскептических сил в ЕС звучат всё отчетливее, а их деятельность начинает напрямую влиять на политическую жизнь ЕС, что доказывают результаты проведенного 23 июня референдума о выходе Великобритании из ЕС. В этой связи толкование самого термина «евроскептицизм» и классификация его видов вызывает особый интерес в академических кругах. В данной статье сравниваются такие разновидности евроскептицизма как «идеологический» и «стратегический». Взяв за основу определения, приведенные в работах Н. Ситтера, П. Копецки и К. Мудде, автор анализирует деятельность британской Партии независимости Соединенного Королевства и итальянского «Движения пяти звезд». Несмотря на то, что обе политические партии, призывающие к выходу из ЕС и еврозоны соответственно и входящие в рамках Европейского парламента в одну фракцию – «Европа за свободу и прямую демократию», считаются настроенными против ЕС, евроскептицизм в их политике занимает далеко не одинаковое место. Это объясняется различиями как в историческом отношении к евроинтеграции британцев и итальянцев, так и в характере проблем, с которыми сталкивались страны, будучи членами ЕС. Посредством рассмотрения процесса становления партий, их структуры, анализа изначальных целей, содержания предвыборных программ, выступлений лидеров, а также тактики голосования в Европейском парламенте, автор последовательно доказывает, что в случае Партии независимости Соединенного Королевства евроскептицизм является идеологией, на основе которой выстраивается вся политика партии, а в случае «Движения пяти звезд» – лишь стратегией, направленной на привлечение электората.

This article uses primary sources to analyze the Romanian Iron Guard's 'sacralized' version of politics during the interwar period. The mass burial of two Legionary Romanina fighters, Ion Mota & Vasile Marin, killed in the Spanish Civil War while fighting for Franco, provide an illustrative case study to analyze the relationship between fascism & the Orthodox Church. This moment was important in that during the burial the church publicly supported the cause of the fascist Iron Guard. Still, the author resists wholeheartedly embracing the concept of "clerical fascism" as an analytical tool. C. Adcock

The thesis that "1968" resulted in the rise of the individual, on the one hand, & the end of politics, on the other, is critically discussed by interpreting the events of 1968 as a project of emancipation & by distinguishing between the individual & the collective aspects of emancipation. 14 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications Ltd.]