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Research in the field of media coverage of organized labour has found that there often exist biases in the way in which unions and their workers are presented. With the ever increasing influence of both the media and neoliberal political and economic ideologies, the public image of organized labour has come under attack. This thesis seeks to expose another instance of this bias in the Windsor Star's coverage of a 2009 municipal workers' strike in Windsor, Ontario, Canada; a public-sector strike. A detailed critical discourse analysis (CDA) was conducted on 480 texts regarding the strike in 2009. An anti-union bias was found especially throughout the coverage. This bias can be seen to have a detrimental effect on the image of public-sector workers which serves to further discredit them in their struggle against neoliberal power structures which seek to minimize their influence.

В статье рассматривается становление и эволюция идеологий и партий современной России, обобщаются этапы формирования политических доктрин. Сопоставляются принципы современной партийной «левизны», «правизны», а также вскрывается такая особенность идеологического партийного тренда, как «переливы правизны и левизны» идентичность партийных программ, подчёркивается проблематичность популяризации центристских идей в условиях социально-экономических проблем, кризисных явлений, резкого имущественного расслоения современного российского общества ; The article describes the foundation and evolution of parties and ideologies in modern Russia, summarizes the stages of political doctrines formation. The author compares the principles of modern party "levizna" and "pravizna", reveals such a peculiarity of ideological party trend as "overfous of "levizna" and "pravizna" as well as the identity of party programs. The author shows the problematical character of popularization of centrism ideas in terms of socioeconomic problems, crisis phenomena as well as deep property stratification in modern Russian society

In this article, Diana Mincyte looks at subsidiary farming during the years of intense collectivization and political repressions in Soviet Lithuania, 1948-1953. Through an analysis of how peasants imagined, experienced, and interacted with their environments, Mincyte constructs agricultural labor as a site through which Lithuania's peasants negotiated their relationship to the state and nature. She argues that because the peasants' physical survival during this period depended solely on the harvests from the farms, the peasants constructed themselves primarily as subjects of land and nature, rather than as citizens of the Soviet state. Instead of focusing on how individuals reinvented themselves according to the ideologies of the New Soviet Man/Woman, the environmental approach she develops here shows that creative agricultural labor played a significant role in the processes of building socialism in Lithuania's villages.

The popularity and visibility of video games within American popular culture is prompted debates within from a spectrum of institutions, ranging from the media and the academy to Main Street and the political sphere. Erasing the complexity, much of the discourse focuses instead on questions of violence and the impact of gaming culture on (White) American youth. While focusing on Grand Theft: San Andreas specifically, this essay explores the culture wars surrounding American video game culture, arguing that the moral panics directed at video games and the defenses/celebrations of virtual reality operate through dominant discourses and hegemonic ideologies of race. Erasing their racial content and textual support for state violence directed at communities of color, the dominant discourse concerning youth and video games rationalizes the fear and policing of Black and Brown communities.

International audience ; This paper seeks to conceptualize the field of child and teen consumption as a system of social practices at the cross roads of six strongly intermingled subsystems covering social, institutional, technological, narrative, economic, and political stakes. Children's and teens' consumption is shaped and transformed by a mix of managerial action, public policy, cycles of technological change, the evolution of related institutions like parenthood and schooling, changing cultural references, values, modes of socialization as well as by the actions of children and teens themselves. Within such a framework, child and teen consumption appears as a complex arena of competing moral and ideological perspectives. In such a volatile context, forms of resistance to ideologies of unending consumption emerge, continuously calling into question the responsibility of business for unwanted long‐term effects.

Most theories of nation and state have excluded gender as an analytic category. This article will demonstrate how the nation and the state are gendered. It will examine how nation and gender are shaped by capitalist and patriarchal structures, two powerful ideologies that impact the state. Analyzing an Iluko novel which constructs in the context of urban squatting the nation as a social space, the article will detail how it is impacted by the state, by class and gender, and how people and identities as well as the social and political spaces they inhabit are classed and gendered. It will locate these classed and gendered identities and spaces in the class struggle for the nation as well as in the conflict that exists between the nation and state. The article therefore will illustrate how nation, state, class, and gender are inextricably bound up.

International audience ; This paper seeks to conceptualize the field of child and teen consumption as a system of social practices at the cross roads of six strongly intermingled subsystems covering social, institutional, technological, narrative, economic, and political stakes. Children's and teens' consumption is shaped and transformed by a mix of managerial action, public policy, cycles of technological change, the evolution of related institutions like parenthood and schooling, changing cultural references, values, modes of socialization as well as by the actions of children and teens themselves. Within such a framework, child and teen consumption appears as a complex arena of competing moral and ideological perspectives. In such a volatile context, forms of resistance to ideologies of unending consumption emerge, continuously calling into question the responsibility of business for unwanted long‐term effects.

International audience ; This paper seeks to conceptualize the field of child and teen consumption as a system of social practices at the cross roads of six strongly intermingled subsystems covering social, institutional, technological, narrative, economic, and political stakes. Children's and teens' consumption is shaped and transformed by a mix of managerial action, public policy, cycles of technological change, the evolution of related institutions like parenthood and schooling, changing cultural references, values, modes of socialization as well as by the actions of children and teens themselves. Within such a framework, child and teen consumption appears as a complex arena of competing moral and ideological perspectives. In such a volatile context, forms of resistance to ideologies of unending consumption emerge, continuously calling into question the responsibility of business for unwanted long‐term effects.

International audience ; This paper seeks to conceptualize the field of child and teen consumption as a system of social practices at the cross roads of six strongly intermingled subsystems covering social, institutional, technological, narrative, economic, and political stakes. Children's and teens' consumption is shaped and transformed by a mix of managerial action, public policy, cycles of technological change, the evolution of related institutions like parenthood and schooling, changing cultural references, values, modes of socialization as well as by the actions of children and teens themselves. Within such a framework, child and teen consumption appears as a complex arena of competing moral and ideological perspectives. In such a volatile context, forms of resistance to ideologies of unending consumption emerge, continuously calling into question the responsibility of business for unwanted long‐term effects.

In this article, I examine the variable representation of Saami (Lapp) prehistory in several Nordic museums. The analysis is situated at the intersection of (1) the examination of the ideology of archaeological practice, (2) the discourse about creation of indigenous identity, and (3) the visual culture of museum exhibitions. I describe and analyze displays about archaeology and prehistory from seven museums in Sweden, Finland, and Norway. The presentation of Saami prehistory differs significantly between majority community museums and those run by Saami communities. These presentations reflect ideologies implicated in building indigenous, nationalist, and pannational identities as well as in establishing legitimacy of Saami claims to land and heritage. Representations of the past are inevitably political because they are about linking people, place, and legitimacy. Ambiguities in these uses of prehistory are discussed, as is the globalizing role of the European Union.

I want to map out the metaphors of terrorism to critique how they are used in United States political rhetoric. These metaphors and their usage parallel United States history, cold war ideologies, and globalization. Central to this investigation is an analysis of how the hegemonic order appropriates the media and uses such metaphors to manufacture consent for supporting a vaguely defined "war on terror" indefinitely. Metaphors have been called "the dreamwork of language," by Donald Davidson who writes also that "the interpretation of dreams requires collaboration between a dreamer and a waker" (29). But terrorism is not a dream. It is not a metaphor. My point is that by identifying the geography of terrorism as it is currently presented in our media, by interpreting these media "dreams" about terrorism, readers might awaken to a more sobering view of terrorism.

Abstract. This paper explores the advance of the study of nationalism with particular reference to hitherto neglected methodologies. After suggesting what might be the lesson to be learned from Ernest Gellner's critique of Wittgensteinian linguistic philosophy, I set out some of the considerations and questions which guide my own attempt at a definition of nationalism after Gellner. These are essentially concerned with the function of meaning for 'real people', that is, with the substantiation of the nation through the study of ideologies and feelings, links between interest and identity, conditions of responsiveness and the differential success of mass mobilisation. In the remainder of the paper, I explore the benefit that may be achieved from adopting the methodologies of the so‐called Cambridge school of the history of political thought and of social representations in social psychology.

Abstract: A rash of commentaries have suggested that elections last year in Brazil and Ecuador tilted Latin America far leftward. The new presidents Lula and Lino Gutierrez are portrayed as the political heirs of Castro and Chavez. This is nonsense. Latin America is not jettisoning democratic politics or shifting toward the populist left. Still, the quality of democratic politics is mediocre across the region and, in many places, is deteriorating. Some countries, prominently Argentina and Venezuela, are in crisis. Yet, politics in region's two largest countries-Brazil and Mexico-is increasingly robust, and they may soon join Latin America's perennially vibrant trio of Costa Rica, Chile and Uruguay. What endangers Latin American democracy today is not demagogic politicians, ambitious military officers, or authoritarian ideologies. It is lackluster performance-the failure of governments to meet their citizens' needs.

The relationship between language and gender features prominently in contemporary feminist scholarship. In particular, feminist linguists and feminist psychologists have highlighted the ways in which language works to maintain (and potentially transform) hierarchical gender arrangements and ideologies. However, despite such (political) commonalities, divergent theoretical and methodological commitments have frequently resulted in a lack of dialogue between the two disciplines. In this article, I suggest that the `communities of practice' (CoP) approach, currently influential in feminist linguistics, may provide a means of bridging feminist research within psychology and linguistics. Specifically, I explore the potential for integrating CoP theory with the version of Discourse Analysis most commonly utilized in psychological research. Thus, drawing on one woman's situated negotiations of a feminist identity, I discuss both the potential difficulties of such a synthesis, together with the additional insights it offers.