Suchergebnisse

THE RAPID PACE OF PRIVATIZATION OF FORMER STATE ENTERPRISES HAS BEEN TOUTED AS ONE OF THE MAJOR SUCCESSES OF THE RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT'S ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATION POLICY. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES THE CREATION OF A POPULAR CONSTITUENCY FOR THE GOVERNMENT'S MARKET REFORM POLICY. IT ALSO EXPLORES FACTORS THAT HAVE AFFECTED HOW RUSSIANS ASSESS THE PRIVATIZATION PROCESS. THIS ANALYSIS ALLOWS AN ASSESSMENT OF WHETHER THE GOVERNMENT'S POLICY HAS SUCCEEDED IN GENERATING SELF-SUSTAINING SUPPORT FOR THE PRIVATIZATION IMPETUS.

The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden's victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West's victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries.

The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex
issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War
have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern
bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet
Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The
purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the
United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate
of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that
these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden?s victory in the 2020 US
Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the
efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the
relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology,
have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance
mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition
forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the
UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems
between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained
relations between the United States and Russia following the West?s victory
in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations
and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the
relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many
respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After
Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by
the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine
and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding
part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the
relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the
2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will
continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both
US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of
sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in
supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and
strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great
Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by
President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK
politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have
seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian
agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his
activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties
between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported
Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his
commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world
political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new
global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably
continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves
to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the
future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer
expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of
the problems that burden the relations between the two countries

Vladislav Surkov, the first deputy head of the Russian presidential administration and one of the key ideologists during Putin's presidency, offers an interesting insight into the Russian political elite and their narratives on Russia's past, present and future. The ultimate goal in the Surkovian narrative is to make Russia a leader in the world and guarantee the well-being of Russian citizens. Modernization should be understood as one of the main means in order to achieve this. The Surkovian narrative is strongly influenced by neo-liberal ideology and accordingly emphasizes the responsibility of citizens for their own well-being and happiness. However, Surkov assigns the state a stronger role than the conventional neo-liberal logic would suggest, thereby partly reproducing the former Russian and Soviet modernization discourses by stressing Russia's distinctive path to modernization. Adapted from the source document.

The ongoing political crisis between Russia and the West jeopardize the achievements in economic relations that have been made over the past two decades. Foreign direct investments in Russia which are essential to modernize its economy may be lost if the Russian government does not send clear signals to restoreconfidence of Western investors.

The ongoing political crisis between Russia and the West jeopardize the achievements in economic relations that have been made over the past two decades. Foreign direct investments in Russia which are essential to modernize its economy may be lost if the Russian government does not send clear signals to restore confidence of Western investors.

Russia is permanently at a crossroads in its history, or standing in exasperation at a fork in the road but failing to resolve a geographical, historical and metaphysical dilemma: is Russia part of Europe or not? Russia holds a key but vulnerable strategic position in the heartland of Eurasia. Its geographical existence within a larger zone of Eurasian civilization meant that Russian culture had been shaped to a not insignificant extent by influences coming from Asia, that Russia was Eurasian and not European not only by virtue of its cultural patterns but also in terms of anthropological–racial considerations as well. The Eurasian Customs Union is clearly seen by Russia as a vehicle for reintegrating the post‐Soviet space, including the countries that fall within the sphere of the European Union's (EU)'s eastern neighbourhood.The Eurasian Customs Union is the vehicle through which Russia increasingly engages in 'normative rivalry' with the EU in the so‐called 'shared neighbourhood'. These geopolitical and economic contraptions underpin the strategic calculations that have influenced largely the crisis of Russian Lebensraum escapade in Ukraine and EU's reaction. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This article examines the federalization process and the spread of federalism in Russia after 1991. The Russian federal system has undergone several changes since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It arose as a result of several contracts signed between the federal government and the subjects. The federal structure of Russia is asymmetric and characterized by conflicts due to the system of division of power between the federal government and the subjects. The creation of an institutional mechanism was done to facilitate the application of the federal principles effectively. The President's full control over political affairs, foreign policy and the economy can harm the successful development of the federal state in Russia.

Alongside the Arab Spring, the'Occupy'anti-capitalist movements in the West, and the events on the Maidan in Kiev, Russia has had its own protest movements, notably the political protests of 2011-12. As elsewhere in the world, these protests had unlikely origins, in Russia's case spearheaded by the'creative class'. This book examines the protest movements in Russia. It discusses the artistic traditions from which the movements arose; explores the media, including the internet, film, novels, and fashion, through which the protesters have expressed themselves; and considers the outcome of the movements, including the new forms of nationalism, intellectualism, and feminism put forward. Overall, the book shows how the Russian protest movements have suggested new directions for Russian - and global - politics.