Suchergebnisse

The International Law Commission (ILC) draft articles on the protection of persons in the event of disasters purport to "facilitate an adequate and effective response to disasters that meets the essential needs of the persons concerned, with respect to their full rights" by setting forth complementary principles governing both individual state responsibilities and international cooperation in disaster response. The principles presented in the draft articles reflect an application of established international law principles as well as current, practical challenges to coordinating international disaster cooperation. This article applies specific ILC draft articles targeting the role of the state impacted by a disaster to the United States' experience in managing international assistance in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. In particular, it highlights the critical responsibility of the national government to take advance, deliberate steps to implement the principles set out in the ILC draft articles--ensuring sufficient legal authorities and protocols and plans for implementing them in a disaster context--if it hopes to effectively maximize the supplemental resources available from the international community to support its domestic response to a catastrophic disaster.

In the United States, a small proportion of private donors gives to international charity. We explore the profile of these donors with a view to understanding who supports international causes relative to domestic causes only and, more generally, what shapes public concern for those in need in other countries. Using data from the 2001 survey on "Giving and Volunteering in the United States," we employ a series of probit regressions to compare the sociodemographic correlates of giving to international causes with 11 other domestic causes such as health, education, and the arts. We find that while income is not associated with the likelihood of international giving, postgraduate education, being foreign-born, and religiosity are large and significant predictors. We also explore the impact of various measures of social capital and civic engagement, and find that institutional trust and youth volunteering are strongly associated with international giving relative to the other causes.

The liberal order is decaying. Will it survive, and if not, what will replace it? On the eightieth anniversary of the publication of E.H. Carr's The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939, Philip Cunliffe revisits this classic text, juxtaposing its claims with contemporary debates on the rise and fall of the liberal international order. The New Twenty Years' Crisis reveals that the liberal international order experienced a twenty-year cycle of decline from 1999 to 2019. In contrast to claims that the order has been undermined by authoritarian challengers, Cunliffe argues that the primary drivers of the crisis are internal. He shows that the heavily ideological international relations theory that has developed since the end of the Cold War is clouded by utopianism, replacing analysis with aspiration and expressing the interests of power rather than explaining its functioning. As a result, a growing tendency to discount political alternatives has made us less able to adapt to political change. In search of a solution, this book argues that breaking through the current impasse will require not only dissolving the new forms of utopianism, but also pushing past the fear that the twenty-first century will repeat the mistakes of the twentieth. Only then can we finally escape the twenty years' crisis. By reflecting on Carr's foundational work, The New Twenty Years' Crisis offers an opportunity to take stock of the current state of international order and international relations theory.

This book examines the labour standards provisions in a number of Regional and Bilateral Trade Agreements, and assesses the potential of using the relevant clauses in these trade agreements as a benchmark for a multilateral approach. Based on the lessons learned from the Regional model, the book proposes a Global Labour and Trade Framework Agreement (GLTFA) combined with a joint ILO/WTO enforcement mechanism to resolve the contentious issue of the link between the CLS and international trade. The history of the linkage between the Core Labour Standards (CLS) and international trade dates back roughly 150 years, and has recently become one of the most vexing issues facing policy-makers. At the heart of the debate is the question whether or not trade sanctions should be imposed on countries that do not respect the CLS as embodied in multilateral conventions administered by the International Labour Organization (ILO). Concretely, this would entail inserting a social clause in the World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, and would trigger the imposition of sanctions on those countries that do not adhere to the CLS. Kofi Addo is a policy advisor to the Board of Governors of the International Baccalaureate Organisation. He holds a PhD in law from the University of Bern, Switzerland.

Interprets the international economic system set up at Bretton Woods, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund; focuses on the interplay between human well-being and financial power.

The issues of proof and determining the party upon which the corresponding burden rests are key to the administration of justice as the determination of the facts of the case is a compulsory stage prior the application of the legal norm. In the Russian legal doctrine the issue of proof has been extensively developed with regard to proceedings before national courts, but not enough in relation to the activity of international courts, except for the European court of human rights. This article explores the theoretical aspects of proof in international courts, analyses the approaches of the International Court of Justice and the Court of Justice of the European Union regarding the distribution of the burden of proof. A separate object of study is the legal findings of the Court of the Eurasian Economic Union with regard to the issue of proof. The findings of the study show that the universal rule onus probandi actori incumbit has evolved with the development of the international courts' case law in the direction of a cooperation between the courts and the parties in the collection of evidence and the placement of the burden of proving the validity of acts, actions (failure to act) on the institutions vested with the corresponding powers.

The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.

Every projection indicates that minorities will represent a significant portion of the American labor force in the nearest future. Yet minority groups have historically represented segments of the population least capable of competing in the national and international marketplace. This is precisely why historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) need to rise to the challenge through an implicit mandate to internationalize their member institutions and the surrounding communities. This paper takes a critical look at how HBCUs ran the two most predominant components of international education, namely, the overseas and area studies programs. The main focus of the paper is Africa. It is indeed an attempt to assess the status of international education at HBCUs, particularly the problems they encounter as they struggle to internationalize. Although in the last few years, study abroad in Africa has become increasingly popular among HBCUs, the road ahead is still very long and sometimes tortuous. In the area of African studies, most of these institutions have a much bigger challenge to meet. The basic premise of my assumption is that despite all the good intentions of the government and private donor organizations, the fact remains that sustainable and qualitative international education in the area of African studies is in large part unaffordable and thus inaccessible to most HBCUs. Numerous factors are responsible for this phenomenon.

[Extract] The decision by the Australian Department of Trade in 19853 to allow Australian tertiary institutions to offer places to Full Fee Paying (FFP) international students, following the release of the Goldring and Jackson Reports, resulted in large numbers of FFP students studying in Australian institutions. By 1991 such students had increased to 34,408. The nature of Australia's objectives in its international education programs (discussed by Harris and Jarrett and others,) vary considerably. In general, for sponsored students there is an expressed policy that "education and training programme(s are) designed to assist recipient countries to develop the human resources needed for their economic and social advancement.(and which might draw on) areas where Australia can offer a high standard of relevant expertise." Harris and Jarrett further discussed the focusing of this aid program by the International Development Program of Australian Universities and Colleges. On the other hand, for Full Fee Paying students, the Jackson Report recommended that "Education should be regarded as an export industry in which institutions are encouraged to compete for students and funds." This more entrepreneurial approach to higher education, subsequently adopted by the Government, has since been applied to the export of education to overseas countries and now is the main aspect of the international education program.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYThis is the final review under the Extended Credit Facility (ECF) arrangement. Theprogram contributed to maintaining macroeconomic stability, and there was progress on structural reforms. The authorities intend to request a successor arrangement under the ECF. A new finance minister was appointed in April; uncertainly remains on the timing of elections. Preliminary data suggest that GDP in FY2014 grew by 3.5-4 percent, while inflation increased slightly to about 5 percent. An increase in fuel prices (in October) should result in fiscal savings of at least 1 percent of GDP duri

This article considers the potential for the COVID‐19 pandemic to represent an epochal moment in international politics, one which China can use as a window to maximize its international order‐building efforts. It is argued that China's putative international order‐building efforts to date have faltered, in part, due to an inability to create meaningful friendships with prominent international powers. However, the COVID‐19 pandemic allows China to play a key humanitarian role in heavily afflicted countries and, through this, perhaps an opportunity to forge more meaningful friendships. It is argued that China is trying to attach its concept of friendship to its humanitarian assistance while also stepping into the clear international leadership void that exists at the moment. This is not without faults or missteps, but the lasting impact could be significant for international politics and the global order.