Suchergebnisse

Der öffentliche Dienst Frankreichs ist bis zum Jahr 2005 stetig gewachsen. Diese Entwicklung widerspricht nicht nur einem internationalen Trend zur Reduzierung öffentlichen Personals, sondern auch den Bemühungen französischer Regierungen zur Verkleinerung und Reform des öffentlichen Dienstes. Das vorliegende Arbeitspapier führt diesen Widerspruch auf strukturelle Beharrungskräfte des französischen öffentlichen Dienstes und auf eine Dezentralisierungsstrategie zurück. Gleichzeitig untersucht es die Frage, ob die geringe quantitative Reaktionsfähigkeit des öffentlichen Dienstes auf Kostendruck und Effizienzprobleme durch einen qualitativen Wandel der Beschäftigungsverhältnisse kompensiert wurde. Dabei kommt es zu einem ambivalenten Ergebnis: Während sich auf der zentralstaatlichen Ebene kaum personelle Reformen durchsetzen ließen, wurde im kommunalen öffentlichen Dienst, der am stärksten gewachsen ist, in starkem Umfang Gebrauch von nicht-verbeamteten Beschäftigten und von flexibleren Formen des Personalmanagements gemacht. Das Arbeitspapier kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass Reformen des öffentlichen Dienstes in Frankreich am ehesten von außen zu erwarten sind, d.h. vom kommunalen Rand des öffentlichen Dienstes oder aus anderen Feldern der öffentlichen Verwaltung.

The topic of supranational organizations of East-European émigrés during the Cold War still remains a lesser-known topic. There were a number of anti-Communist organizations between 1948-1989, consisting of former politicians, diplomats, soldiers, lawyers or academics from behind the Iron Curtain. The community of exiled journalists was represented by the International Federation of Free Journalists, officially founded in November 1948 in Paris by delegates from twelve nations. Its membership base soon grew to 1,400 people. The Federation warned the Western public against the injustices, false propaganda and the red terror in Eastern Europe for four decades.

Even though financial markets have become more integrated and international capital now moves more freely across borders, we argue that access to foreign equity investments still remains a political decision, and this policy decision is a function of the country's nationalistic and militaristic sentiments. We use military spending as a proxy for militarism and nationalism, and show that countries with high militaristic sentiments have lower foreign equity investments. We also look at bilateral equity flows and find that a pair of countries simultaneously having greater increases in militarism has lower bilateral equity investments.

This article focuses on desires, fears and identities as entangled in the past. Emphasizing gendered aspects of mobility, the author takes as examples debates relating to Icelandic Muslims and discussions in regard to Iceland's increased international involvements in global peacekeeping. She sees them sharing entanglements with the nationalistic ideologies of Europeans as carrier of justice and equality, as well as a collective forgetting of past histories that foreground and position people in relation to migrations and encounters in the present. In these cases, gender is tightly interwoven with the tapestry of meaning, foregrounding, explaining and informing the relationships involved.

What is the current state of the regulation in the matter of private military and security companies (PMSCs)? This paper aims to provide a brief overview of the existing national legislations concerning PMSCs in a number of Member States of the European Union and third countries, together with some insights concerning the international regulation. It argues that the regulatory regime of PMSCs proves unsatisfactory when the legislation of the "home" state does not apply to the activity of PMSCs abroad and the "host", or otherwise competent, state does not provide sufficient regulation for PMSCs.

Child trafficking activity often draws on formal administrative and legal resources. Formalisation implies considerable cooperation between public functionaries, lawyers and external actors. I argue that child rights advocates are forceful policy formulators who tend to ignore the public‐external link because they focus on the external profit‐seeking actors. The danger of this focus is a continuing production of inadequate policies, regulations and laws which are weak instruments in the control of a serious social and moral problem. I exemplify this by cases of irregularities in international adoption from Ecuador from the 1990s onwards.1