Suchergebnisse

Das Phänomen der Verbreitung von internationalen Organisationen hat die Frage der völkerrechtliche Verantwortlichkeit internationaler Organisationen in den Fokus gedrängt, umso mehr, dass man die Effekte der Aktivitäten von internationaler Organisationen überall in unserem alltäglichen Leben bezeugen kann. Der Hauptzweck dieses Buches ist es einige bestimmte Aspekte der Frage der Verantwortlichkeit internationaler Organisationen zu untersuchen. Es besteht auch darin, hauptsächlich, die Kodifikationsarbeit der Völkerrechtskommission der Vereinten Nationen zu prüfen. Gleichzeitig, das Ziel ist es, die Hauptherausforderung anzusprechen, die auf dem Weg steht bei der Aufgabe der Kodifikation der allgemeine Regeln anwendbar auf internationaler Organisationen. Diese besteht darin, dass internationale Organisationen naturgemäß sehr heterogen und voneinander unterschiedlich sind. Darüber hinaus, wird die Perspektive erweitert dadurch, dass das breitere Konzept von Internationale Rechenschaftspflicht in Betracht genommen und ausgearbeitet wird.

Geo-economic tensions and global collective action problems call for international cooperation to revise and develop rules to guide both the use of domestic subsidies and responses by governments to cross-border competition spillover effects. Current WTO rules that divide all subsidies into either prohibited or actionable categories are no longer fit for purpose. Piecemeal efforts in preferential trade agreements and bi- or trilateral configurations offer a basis on which to build, but are too narrow in scope and focus. Addressing the spillover effects of subsidies could start with launching a work program at the 12th Ministerial Conference of the WTO to mobilize an epistemic community concerned with subsidy policies, tasked with building a more solid evidence base on the magnitude, purpose and effects of subsidy policies.

Aus Sicht der DDR

Die Gestaltung, Organisation und Steuerung von nicht-akademischer Berufsbildung befindet sich unter Reformdruck. Betriebsbasierte berufliche Bildungssysteme suchen Anschlüsse an das Hochschulwesen, während schulisch ausgerichtete Bildungssysteme mit wenigen Bezügen zur Arbeitswelt, stärkere Anknüpfungen an die Betriebe anstreben. Der Beitrag diskutiert aus einer internationalen Perspektive unterschiedliche Typologien von Berufsbildungssystemen und stellt angesichts neuerer Entwicklungen insbesondere die enge Fokussierung auf berufliche Erstausbildung und die Nationenspezifik als zentrales Unterscheidungskriterium in Frage. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The form, organization, and management of non-academic vocational education is under pressure to reform. Company-based systems of vocational training seek links with higher education, whereas school-oriented educational systems that have but few connections to the working world strive for closer ties to the companies. The author discusses different typologies of systems of vocational education from an international perspective and, in view of recent developments, questions the strong focus on initial vocational education, in particular, and on country-specific traits as central criteria for differentiation. (DIPF/Orig.)

The impact of globalization on equality has become a serious concern for many countries. More evidence that challenges the theoretical prediction of positive impact of international trade on income distribution has increasingly become available recently. This paper addresses this subject, surveying the empirical findings on the impact of international trade on inequalities from various perspectives. The survey reveals that an increase in trade openness by developing countries appears to have contributed to narrowing the development gap vis-à-vis developed countries, while its impacts on income gap between developing countries are not clear. The impacts of increased trade or trade liberalization on within-country inequalities are mixed. In some cases, trade liberalization improved wage-inequality, but in some other cases, the opposite pattern was observed. Similar mixed patterns are found for regional inequalities. These mixed findings are consistent with the fact that theoretical predictions are also mixed. One reason for the mixed findings is the impact of other factors affecting inequalities, including labor market conditions, inflow of capital, and policy reforms. Government needs to implement appropriate policies to deal with the inequalities. Two of the most important are policies to promote human resource development and policies on income redistribution. The former improves quality of labor, with the support from a well-functioning and flexible labor market. The latter covers policies on social safety net or on tax system. The safety net pays some portion of adjustment costs borne by workers who are adversely e tax system (e.g., progressive and inheritance tax) helps distribute income more equally between the rich and the poor. ; ADB_International_Trade_and_inequality.pdf: 768 downloads, before Oct. 1, 2020.

The question of endings is simultaneously a question of beginnings: wondering if International Relations is at an end inevitably raises the puzzle of when and how 'it' began. This article argues that International Relations' origins bear striking resemblance to a wider movement in post-war American political studies that Ira Katznelson calls the 'political studies enlightenment.' This story of the field's beginnings and ends has become so misunderstood as to have almost disappeared from histories of the field and accounts of its theoretical orientations and alternatives. This historical forgetting represents one of the most debilitating errors of International Relations theory today, and overcoming it has significant implications for how we think about the past and future development of the field. In particular, it throws open not only our understanding of the place of realism in International Relations, but also our vision of liberalism. For the realism of the International Relations enlightenment did not seek to destroy liberalism as an intellectual and political project, but to save it. The core issue in the 'invention of International Relations theory' — its historical origins as well as its end or goal in a substantive or normative sense — was not the assertion of realism in opposition to liberalism: it was, in fact, the defence of a particular kind of liberalism.