Suchergebnisse

A powerful personal narrative of recovery and an illuminating philosophical exploration of traumaOn July 4, 1990, while on a morning walk in southern France, Susan Brison was attacked from behind, severely beaten, sexually assaulted, strangled to unconsciousness, and left for dead. She survived, but her world was destroyed. Her training as a philosopher could not help her make sense of things, and many of her fundamental assumptions about the nature of the self and the world it inhabits were shattered.At once a personal narrative of recovery and a philosophical exploration of trauma, this bravely and beautifully written book examines the undoing and remaking of a self in the aftermath of violence. It explores, from an interdisciplinary perspective, memory and truth, identity and self, autonomy and community. It offers imaginative access to the experience of a rape survivor as well as a reflective critique of a society in which women routinely fear and suffer sexual violence.As Brison observes, trauma disrupts memory, severs past from present, and incapacitates the ability to envision a future. Yet the act of bearing witness, she argues, facilitates recovery by integrating the experience into the survivor's life's story. She also argues for the importance, as well as the hazards, of using first-person narratives in understanding not only trauma, but also larger philosophical questions about what we can know and how we should live

The article by Chantal Medici that opens this issue of the magazine discusses critical contributions to the conventional theory of collective action inherited from the works seminars of Charles Tilly and the assumption of the sharpness of a hypothetical boundary between the public and the private, grouping them into three types of approach: those that emphasize the institutional activism of the State, those that do it in the construction of networks or communities of political attention and those that give special to the public / private articulation in the construction of the problem and in its implementation. Revised contributions are connected with a variety of approaches from Political Science, in particular the thesis of Lindblom on the relationship between states and markets in policymaking public, Migdal's statement about "the State in society" or, in our America, the Carlos Matus' theory on the complexity of the social game. Sofya Surtayeva's text shows the strategic role of the State in gestation and development of a public policy in a highly complex matter, in a country on the semi-periphery of the capitalism. Almost two decades ago our compatriot Hugo Notcheff demonstrated the close linking the dependent character of Argentine capitalism and the consequent fragility of science and technology policy, with the guidance of the economic leadership towards the appreciation of its capital by means of obtaining extraordinary profits from the exploitation of natural resources, the availability of cheap labor and the obtaining of subsidies and other state-owned, much more than the stimulus to innovation technological scientist and a policy aimed at its development. The corollary is a modernization of the economy based on the importation of innovations from the central economies, favored by close integration with foreign capital, with an effect on the fragility of scientific and technological development policies and the preservation of dependency. Taking as a common thread the role of the National Atomic Energy Commission in the development of nanotechnology the author shows the peculiarities of a process of innovation in a double facet: the promotion of an area of knowledge and the promotion by the CNEA of its own approach more akin to a sustainable development strategy and greater national autonomy. The article also provides a detailed approach to plurality of actors and interests, the relevance of leadership in the definition of politics and the gravitation of all this in the scientific-technological development and the insertion in the subject and the gravitation of the different possible responses in the insertion of Argentina in the global system. In this line of elaboration, Mariano Gil describes the public policies implemented in the province of Santa Fe to address problematic substance use. His work highlights the various public, private and community actors that intervene with unequal effectiveness in the construction of the problem, the incidence of that construction in the actions and organisms that will have to face it, the modifications that the adopted policy undergoes as it is being implemented and that same implementation introduces changes in the settings, in the subjects to whom it is addressed, in the state apparatuses and in the agents who are in charge of implementation. Bureaucrats, political decision-makers, non-governmental organizations, families, public security organizations, professionals and health technicians make up a wide range of subjects that intervene in the management of politics. For his part Miguel Alfredo and Pablo Granovsky deal with two experiences of training centers professional within the framework of actors that intervene at the intersection between education policies, labor policies and categorical organizations: the management cases of professional training policies of the UOCRA (Unión Obrera de la Construcción of the Argentine Republic) and the SMATA (Union of Mechanics and Transport Related Automotive). The article by Pablo Schamber and Francisco Suárez offers a detailed analysis of an experience of state / social actors articulation in the execution of a policy urban environment, through the inclusion of informal collectors of recyclable waste in the state policy of waste management. An experience that, in the opinion of authors, surpasses any other existing in the world. Beyond the specificity of their study topics, the three articles highlight the plurality of actors who participate from both "side" of the public-private differentiation in each of these topics, in the effort to configure a policy that is forever tool of a construction of power that, insofar as it institutionalizes some form of transaction between those who participate, is projected towards more broader than the specific ones. The promotion of public education is normally presented as a way for the reduction of levels of social inequality: a typical "window of opportunity". Judith Pinos Montenegro discusses this issue in her work on the promotion of basic education in Ecuador during the governments of the Citizen Revolution. The polysemy of the word equality stands out as it appears in official documents, increased due to the multiethnic nature of Ecuadorian society and the cultural contradictions and of class that are registered between public and private education. Jose Candelario Osuna García addresses the issue from the perspective of the temporary displacement of thousands of low-income Mexican families for work reasons, which leads to the interruption of the school career of the children and young people involved in these migrations and relativizes in this regard, the principle of equality in access to the right to education. Article focuses on the Education Program for Migrant Populations prepared by the government of the state of Baja California, in order to minimize the risks in terms of training school and cultural derived from the insertion of families in the cross-border structure of the labor market and the productive system. It is easy to see then that the mode of insertion in the social matrix conditions the effective access to rights. Poor peasants, migrant workers, native populations referred to in the preceding texts see their opportunities reduced education because of the position they occupy in that social matrix; in the absence of intervention state inequalities are strengthened because the educational system does not comply with these subjects the promotional function that should contribute to a change in their position in the structure. The political regime, with its own conception of equality, reinforces and expands or limits and neutralizes the dominant system of inequalities. Aristotle twenty-five centuries ago He emphasized that the prevailing ideas regarding equality and inequality and their causes vary according to the political regime, that is, to the organization and distribution of power. By changing the political regime, sooner or later the ideas of equality change, and therefore justice promoted by the State and public policies. The assumption in Uruguay in March 2020 of a neoliberal government implied important changes in policies social in general and care in particular, in sharp contrast to those that characterized to the fifteen previous years of government of the Broad Front. Ximena Baráibar Ribero analyzes the conceptualization of the new government's policy of assistance to populations in situation of poverty: a set of actions to encourage individual self-improvement and personal responsibility of those affected, and a residual role of the State. Poverty and inequality are, in the intellectual design of the new authorities, individual phenomena both in its causes as well as its effects. Social policies would have no other purpose than to facilitate a transit to individual opportunities that are assumed discursively, not discussed as reality and leave aside the question of the social, that is, collective, factors that create conditions for the gestation and development of individual situations. Carlos M. Vilas director ; El artículo de Chantal Medici con que se inicia este número de la revista discute contribuciones críticas a la teoría convencional de la acción colectiva heredera de los trabajos seminales de Charles Tilly y del supuesto de la nitidez de una hipotética frontera entre lo público y lo privado, agrupándolas en tres tipos de abordaje: las que ponen énfasis en el activismo institucional del Estado, las que lo hacen en la construcción de redes o co[1]munidades de políticas y las que dan especial atención a la articulación público/privado en la construcción del problema y en su implementación. Las contribuciones revisadas entroncan con una variedad de enfoques desde la Ciencia Política, en particular la tesis de Lindblom sobre la relación entre estados y mercados en la formación de las políticas públicas, el planteo de Migdal sobre "el Estado en la sociedad" o, en nuestra América, la teoría de Carlos Matus sobre la complejidad del juego social. El texto de Sofya Surtayeva muestra el rol estratégico del Estado en la gestación y desarrollo de una política pública en un asunto de alta complejidad, en un país de la semiperiferia del capitalismo. Hace casi dos décadas nuestro compatriota Hugo Notcheff demostró la estrecha vinculación del carácter dependiente del capitalismo argentino y la consiguiente fragilidad de la política de ciencia y tecnología, con la orientación de la cúpula del poder económico hacia la valorización de su capital por la vía de la obtención de ganancias extraordinarias de la explotación de recursos naturales, la disponibilidad de trabajo barato y la obtención de subsidios y otras preferencias estatales, mucho más que del estímulo a la innovación científico tecnológica y a una política encaminada a su desarrollo. El corolario es una modernización de la economía basada en la importación de innovaciones provenientes de las economías centrales, favorecida por la estrecha integración con capitales extranjeros, con efecto en la fragilidad de las políticas de desarrollo científico y tecnológico y la preservación de la dependencia. Tomando como hilo conductor el papel de la Comisión Nacional de Energía Atómica en el desarrollo de la nanotecnología la autora muestra las particularidades de un proceso de innovación en una doble faceta: el impulso a un área de conocimiento y la promoción por la CNEA de un enfoque propio más afín a una estrategia de desarrollo sostenible y mayor autonomía nacional. El artículo brinda asimismo una detallada aproximación a la pluralidad de actores e intereses, la relevancia del liderazgo en la definición de la política y la gravitación de todo ello en el desarrollo científico-tecnológico y la inserción en el tema y la gravitación de las diferentes respuestas posibles en la inserción de Argentina en el sistema global. En esta línea de elaboración, Mariano Gil describe las políticas públicas ejecutadas en la provincia de Santa Fe para el abordaje del consumo problemático de sustancias. Su trabajo destaca los varios actores públicos, privados y comunitarios que intervienen con desigual eficacia en la construcción del problema, la incidencia de esa construcción en las acciones y organismos que habrán de encararlo, las modificaciones que la política adoptada experimenta a medida que va siendo implementada y esa misma implementación introduce cambios en los escenarios, en los sujetos a quienes se dirige, en los aparatos del estado y en los agentes que tienen a cargo la implementación. Burócratas, decisores políticos, organizaciones no gubernamentales, familias, organismos de seguridad pública, profesionales y técnicos de la salud integran un arco amplio de sujetos que intervienen en la gestión de la política. Por su parte Miguel Alfredo y Pablo Granovsky se ocupan de dos experiencias de centros de formación profesional en el marco del entramado de actores que intervienen en la intersección entre políticas de educación, políticas laborales y organizaciones categoriales: los casos de gestión de políticas de formación profesional de la UOCRA (Unión Obrera de la Construcción de la República Argentina) y del SMATA (Sindicato de Mecánicos y Afines del Transporte Automotor). El artículo de Pablo Schamber y Francisco Suárez ofrece un detallado análisis de una experiencia de articulación estado/actores sociales en la ejecución de una política ambiental urbana, a través de la inclusión de los recolectores informales de residuos reciclables en la política estatal de gestión de los residuos. Una experiencia que, a juicio de los autores, supera cualquier otra existente en el mundo. Más allá de la especificidad de sus temas de estudio, los tres artículos destacan la pluralidad de actores que participan desde uno y otro "lado" de la diferenciación público-privada en cada uno de esos temas, en el empeño de configurar una política que es siempre herramienta de una construcción de poder que, en la medida en que institucionaliza alguna forma de transacción entre quienes participan, se proyecta hacia ámbitos más amplios que los específicos. El fomento de la educación pública es presentado normalmente como una vía para la reducción de los niveles de desigualdad social: una típica "ventana de oportunidades". Judith Pinos Montenegro discute este asunto en su trabajo sobre la promoción de la educación básica en Ecuador durante los gobiernos de la Revolución Ciudadana. Destaca la polisemia del vocablo igualdad como aparece en los documentos oficiales, incrementada por la naturaleza pluriétnica de la sociedad ecuatoriana y las contradicciones culturales y de clase que se registran entre la educación pública y la privada. José Candelario Osuna García encara el tema desde la perspectiva del desplazamiento temporal de miles de familias mexicanas de bajos ingresos por razones laborales, que lleva a la interrupción de la trayectoria escolar de los niños, niñas y jóvenes involucrados en esas migraciones y relativiza a su respecto el principio de igualdad en el acceso al derecho a la educación. El artículo enfoca el Programa de Educación para Poblaciones Migrantes elaborado por el gobierno del estado de Baja California, con el fin de minimizar los riesgos en materia de formación escolar y cultural derivados de la inserción de las familias en la estructura transfronteriza del mercado de trabajo y el sistema productivo. Fácilmente se advierte entonces que el modo de inserción en la matriz social condiciona el acceso efectivo a derechos. Los campesinos pobres, los trabajadores migrantes, las poblaciones originarias a quienes se refieren los textos precedentes ven reducidas sus oportunidades de educación por la posición que ocupan en esa matriz social; en ausencia de intervención estatal las desigualdades se potencian porque el sistema educativo no cumple respecto de esos sujetos la función promocional que debería contribuir a un cambio en su posición en la estructura. El régimen político, con su propia concepción de la igualdad, refuerza y expande o acota y neutraliza el sistema dominante de desigualdades. Hace veinticinco siglos Aristóteles destacó que las ideas predominantes en materia de igualdad y desigualdad y sus causas va[1]rían de acuerdo al régimen político, es decir a la organización y distribución del poder. Cambiando el régimen político, cambian antes o después las ideas de igualdad, y por tanto de justicia promovidas desde el Estado y las políticas públicas. La asunción en Uruguay en marzo 2020 de un gobierno de corte neoliberal implicó cambios importantes en las políticas sociales en general y asistenciales en particular, de fuerte contraste con las que caracterizaron a los quince años precedentes de gobierno del Frente Amplio. Ximena Baráibar Ribero analiza la conceptualización de la política del nuevo gobierno de asistencia a poblaciones en situación de pobreza: un conjunto de acciones de estímulo a la superación individual y la responsabilidad personal de los afectados, y un papel residual del Estado. Pobreza y desigualdad son, en el diseño intelectual de las nuevas autoridades, fenómenos individuales tanto en sus causas como en sus efectos. Las políticas sociales no tendrían otro fin que facilitar un tránsito a oportunidades individuales que se asumen discursivamente, no se discuten como realidad y dejan de lado la pregunta sobre los factores sociales, es decir colectivos, que crean condiciones para la gestación y desarrollo de las situaciones individuales. Carlos M. Vilas Director

Eyal
Weizman on the Architectural-Image Complex, Forensic Archeology and Policing
across the Desertification Line







Incidents
in global politics are usually apprehended as the patterned interaction of macro-actors
such as states. Eyal Weizman takes a different tack—an architect by training,
Weizman tackles incidents through detailed readings of heterogeneous materials—digital
images, debris, reforestation, blast patterns in ruins—to piece together concrete
positions of engagement in specific legal, political, or activist controversies
in global politics. In this Talk,
Weizman—among others—elaborates on methods across scales and material
territories, discusses the interactions of environment and politics, and traces
his trajectory in forensic architecture.




Print version of this Talk (pdf)




What
is—or should be—according to you, the biggest challenge, central focus or
principal debate in critical social sciences?



We
live in an age in which there is both a great storm of information and a
progressive form of activism seeking to generate transparency in relation to government
institutions, corporations or secret services. These forms of exposure
exponentially increase the number of primary sources on corporations and state
and provide also rare media from war zones, but this by itself does not add
more clarity. It could increase confusion and increasingly be used disseminate
false information and propaganda. The challenge is to start another process to
carefully piece together and compose this information.



I'm
concerned with research about armed conflict. Contemporary conflict tends to take
place in urban environments saturated with media of varicose sorts, whenever
violence is brought into a city, it provokes an enormous production of images,
clips, sounds, text, etc.



As
conflict in Iraq, Syria, Missouri and the Ukraine demonstrate, one of the most
important potential sources for conflict investigations is produced by the very
people living in the war zones and made available in social networks almost
instantly. The citizens recording events in conflict zones are conscious of
producing testimonies and evidence, and importantly so, they do so on their own
terms. The emergence of citizen journalists/witness has already restructured
the fields of journalism with most footage composing Al Jazeera broadcasts, for
example, being produced by non-professional media. The addition of a huge
multiplicity of primary sources, live testimonies and filmed records of events,
challenge research methods and evidentiary practices. There is much locational
and spatial information that can be harvested from within these blurry, shaky
and unedited images/clips and architectural methodologies are essential in
reconstructing incidents in space. Architecture is a good framework to
understand the world, alongside others.



Whereas
debates around the 'politics of the image' in the field of photography and
visual cultures tended to concentrate on the decoding of single images and
photojournalistic trophy shots we now need to study the creation of extensive
'image-complexes' and inhabit this field reconstruct events from images taken
at different perspective and at different times. The relation between images is
architectural, best composed and represented within 3D models. Architectural
analysis is useful in locating other bits of evidence—recorded testimonies,
films and photos—from multiple perspectives in relation to one other bits of
evidence and cross referring these in space.



But
'image complexes' are about interrogating the field of visibility it is also
about absence, failures of representation, blockages or destruction of images.





How
did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about global
politics?



I'm
an architect, and my intellectual upbringing is in architectural theory and
spatial theory. I tend to hold on to this particular approach when I'm entering
a geopolitical context or areas that would otherwise be the domain of
journalists and human rights people, traditional jurists, etc. Architecture taught
me to pay attention to details, to materiality, to media, and to make very
close observations about the way built structures might embody political
relations.



When I study political situations, I
study them as an architect: I look at the way politics turns into a material—spatial
practice—the materialization, and at the spatialization, of political forces. Architectural
form—as I explained many times—is slowed-down force. My thinking is structured
around a relation between force and form. And form, for an architect, is an
entry point from which to read politics. So when I look at matter and material
reality—like a building, a destroyed building, a piece of infrastructure, a
road or bridge, a settlement or suburb or city—I look at it as a product of a political
force field. But it is never static. A city always grows, expands or contracts
recording the multiple political relations that shaped it.



Buildings
continuously record their environment. So one can read political force on buildings.
In taking this approach, I am influenced by building surveyors, and insurance
people going into a building to look at a scratch in a wall to piece together
what might have happened, and what might still happen. So I feel like a kind of
property surveyor on the scale of a city at times of war. But in practicing
this forensic architecture
I also work like an archaeologist: archaeology is about looking at material remains
and trying to piece together the cultural, political, military, or social spheres.
But I'm an archaeologist of very recent past or of the present. While
some of my investigations will always retain a haptic dimension based on
material examination, much of it is an analysis of material captured and
registered by various medias. Verify, locate, compose and cross-reference a
spatial reality from images of architecture.





What
would a student need to become a specialist in your field or understand the
world in a global way?



The institutes I run do not recruit
only architects. We need to open up the disciplinary bounds of education. We work
with filmmakers and architects and with artists.



It embodies a desire to understand
architecture as a field of inquiry, with which you can interrogate reality as
it is effectively registering material transformation. I see architecture as a
way of augmenting our way of seeing things in the world, but it's not for me a
kind of sacred field that should not be touched or changed.



But I'm also using architecture
across the entire spectrum of its relation to politics, from the very dystopian—with
forensic architecture, a kind of architectural pathology—to the utopian. I have
a studio in Palestine with Palestinian partners of mine, and internationals.
Alessandro Petty and Sandi Hilal
are in this group, which is called Decolonizing Architure. It's this group that is engaged in
very utopian projects for the West Bank and Palestine and the return of
refugees and so on. So I use architecture across the entire spectrum, from the
very dystopian to the very utopian. Architecture is simply a way of engaging
the world and its politics. Space is the way of establishing relations between
things. And actually space is not static, it is both a means of establishing
relations between people and objects and things. Just as material itself is
always an event, always under transformation. So that is something I have taken
from architecture and try to bring into politics, but not only in analyzing
crimes, but in producing the reality yet to come.



So what we
need from people is the desire to understand aesthetics as a field of inquiry,
not simply as a pleasurable play of beauty and pleasing kind of effect, but as
a kind of very sensorial field, sensorium, in which you can interrogate reality
as it is effectively registering material transformation. So I would look
simply for that kind of sensorial intensity and high critical approach and
understanding and speculating of how it is we know what we think we know. Of
course, you cannot see, or you do not know what you see, you do not have the
language to interpret or question what it is you 'see' without abstract
constructs. This means I don't necessarily look for theoretical capacities in
people: I see theory as a way of augmenting our way of seeing things in the
world, of registering them, of decoding them, but it's not for me a kind of
sacred field to which I submit in any way.







So
what is it you work on now?



I'm mostly trying to establish forensic architecture as a
critical field of practice and as an agency that produce and disseminate
evidence about war crimes in urban context. Recent forensic investigations in Guatemala
and in the Israeli Negev involved
the intersection of violence and environmental transformations, even climate
change. For trials and truth commissions, we analyze the extent to which
environmental transformation intersect with conflict.



The imaging of this
previously invisible types of violence—'environmental violence' such as land degradation, the destruction of fields and forests (in the tropics), pollution
and water diversion, and also long term processes of desertification—we use as new type of evidence of processes dispersed across time
and space. There are other conflicts that unfold in relation to climatic and
environmental transformations and in particular in relation to environmental
scarcity.



Conflict has reciprocal
interaction with environment transformation: environmental change could
aggravate conflict, while conflict tends to generate further environmental
damage. This has been apparent in Darfur, Sudan where the conflict was
aggravated by increased competition over arable due to local land erosion and desertification.
War and insurgency have occurred along Sahel—Arabic for 'shoreline'—on the
southern threshold of the Sahara Desert, which is only ebbing as million of
hectares of former arable land turn to desert. In past decades, conflicts have
broken out in most countries from East to West Africa, along this shoreline:
Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Chad, Niger, Mali, Mauritania, and Senegal.
In 2011 in the city of Daraa, farmers' protests, borne out of an extended cycle
of droughts, marked
the beginning of the Syrian civil war. Similar processes took place in the
eastern outskirts of Damascus, Homs, al-Raqqah and along the threshold of the
great Syrian and Northern Iraqi Deserts. These transformations impact upon
cities, themselves a set of entangled natural/man-made environments. The conflict
and hardships along desertification bands compel dispossessed farmers to embark
upon increasingly perilous paths of migrations, leading to fast urbanization at
the growing outskirts of the cities and slams.



I'm
trying to understand these processes across desert thresholds. There has been a
very long colonial debate about what is the line beyond which the desert begins.
Most commonly it was defined as 200 mm rain per annum. Cartographers were
trying to draw it, as it represented, to a certain extent, the limit of
imperial control. From this line on, most policing was done through bombing of
tribal areas from the air. Since the beginning, the emergence of the use of air
power in policing in the post World War I period—aerial control, aerial
government—took form in places that were perceived, at the time, as lying
beyond the thresholds or edges of the law. The British policing of Iraq, the
French in Syria, and Algeria, the Italians in Libya are examples where control
would hover in air.



Up
to now I was writing about borders that were physical and manmade: walls in the
West Bank or Gaza and the siege around it—most notably in Hollow Land (2007, read the introduction here).
Now I started to write about borders that are made by the interaction of people
and the environment—like the desert line—which is not less violent and brutal. The
colonial history of Palestine has been an attempt to push the line of the
desert south, trying to make it green or bloom—this is in Ben Gurion's terms—but
the origins of this statement are earlier and making the desert green and
pushing the line of the desert was also Mussolini's stated aim. On the other
hand, climate change is now pushing that line north.



Following
not geopolitical but meteorological borders, helps me cut across a big
epistemological problem that confines the writing in international relations or
geopolitics within the borders organize your writing. Braudel is an
inspiration but, for him, the environment of the Mediterranean is basically
cyclically fixed. The problem with geographical determinism is that it takes
nature as a given, cyclical, milieu which then affects politics—but I think we
are now in a period where politics affects nature in the same way in which
nature affects politics. The climate is changing in the same speed as human
history.





What does your background in
architecture add to understanding the global political controversies you engage
in?



We are a forensic agency that
provides services to prosecution teams around the world. With our amazing
members we ran 20-odd cases around the world from the Amazon to Atacama, for
the UN, for Amnesty, for Palestinian NGOs, in Gaza of course, West Bank, issues
of killings, individual killings in the West Bank that we do now, and much more
drastic destructions.



Forensic Architecture is unique in using
architectural research methodologies to analyze violations of human rights and
international humanitarian law as they bear upon the built environment—on
buildings, cities and territories, and this is why we get many commissions. We
produced architectural evidence for numerous investigations and presented them
in a number of cases in national and international courts and tribunals. We
were commissioned by the UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights to study single
destroyed buildings, as well as patterns of destruction, resulting from
drone warfare in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia and Gaza. This study was presented at
the UN General Assembly in New York. We developed techniques to locate the
remains of buildings and villages overgrown by thick rain forests and presented
this material as evidence in the genocide trial of former president Efraín Ríos
Montt in the National Court of Guatemala and the Inter-American
Court. We quantified and analyzed levels of architectural destruction in Gaza
after the 2014 conflict for Amnesty International. We provided architectural
models and animations to support a petition against the wall in Battir
submitted to the Israeli High Court, helping to win the case.



Recently, we use and deal with the
reconstruction of human testimony. Witnesses to war give account of the worst
moment of their lives; times when their dear ones have died or hurt. Their
memory is disturbed, and tends to be blurred. We have developed a way of very
carefully interviewing and discussing with witnesses. Together with them, we
build digital models of their own homes. So we can see a very slow process of reconstruction
of the relation between memory space and architecture. And events start coming
back, through the process of building.



In order to develop this, we needed
to explore the historical use of memory and architecture, such as Frances Yates'
The Art of Memory (read it here), as well as different accounts on
the use of trauma, and bring them into the digital age, bring an understanding
of the relation of testimony and evidence into contemporary thinking. Single
incidents tend to be argued away as aberrations of 'standard operating
procedures'. To bring charges against government and military leaderships, it
is necessary to demonstrate 'gross and systematic' violations.
This means finding consistent and repeated patterns of
violations. Architectural analysis, undertaken on the level of
the city is able to demonstrate repetition and transformations in patterns of
violation/destruction in space and time—within the battle zone along the
duration of the conflict. Architectural analysis is useful not only in dealing
with architectural evidence—i.e with destroyed buildings—but also helpful in
locating other bits of evidence—testimony films or photos—in relation to one
other bits of evidence, and cross referring these in space.



Urban violence unfolds at different
intensities, speeds and spatial scales: it is made of patterns of multiple
instantaneous events as well as slower incremental processes of 'environmental
violence' that affects the transformation of larger territories. We aims to analyze
and present the relation between forms of violence that occur at different
space and time scales. From eruptive kinetic violence of the instantaneous/human
incident through patterns of destruction mapped across and along the duration
of urban conflict, to what Rob Nixon calls the 'slow violence' of environmental
transformation (read the introduction of the eponymous book here,
pdf).





Last question. How does your approach to research relate to, or differ
from, approaches to international politics?



To study conflict as a reality that unfolds across
multiple scales, we use the microphysical approach—dealing with details,
fragments and ruins—as an entry-point from which we will unpack the larger
dynamics of a conflict. We reconstruct singular incidents, locate them in space
and time to look for and identify patterns, then study these patterns in
relation to long terms and wide-scale environmental transformations. This
approach seeks to make connections between, what Marc Bloch of the Annales
School called 'micro- and macro-history, between close-ups and extreme long
shots' in his thesis on historical method. This topological approach is
distinct from a traditional scalar one: the macro
(political/strategic/territorial) situation will not be seen a root cause for a
myriad set of local human right violations (incidents/tactics). In the complex
reality of conflict, singularities are equally the result of 'framing
conditions' and also contributing factors to phase transitions that might
affect, or 'de-frame' as Latour has put it, changes occurring in wider areas.
Instead of nesting smaller scales within larger ones, our analysis will seek to
fluidly shift from macro to micro, from political conditions to individual
cases, from buildings to environments and this along multiple threads,
connection and feedback loops.



While in relation to the single
incident it might still be possible to establish a direct, liner connection
between the two limit figures of the perpetrator and the victim along the model
of (international) criminal law, evidence for environmental violence is more
scattered and diffused. Instead, it requires the examination of what we call
'field causalities'—causal ecologies that are non-linear, diffused,
simultaneous, and that involve multiple agencies and feedback loops,
challenging the immediacy of 'evidence'. 




Establishing field causalities requires the
examination of force fields and causal ecologies, that are non-linear,
diffused, simultaneous and involve multiple agencies and feedback loops.
Whereas linear causality entails a focus on sequences of causal events on the
model of criminal law that seeks to trace a direct line between the two limit
figures of victim and perpetrator field causality involves the spatial
arrangement of simultaneous sites, actions and causes. It is inherently relational
and thus a spatial concept. By treating space as the medium of relation between
separate elements of evidence brought together, we aim to expand the analytical
scope of forensic architecture. It is inherently relational and thus a spatial
concept. By treating space as the medium of relation between separate elements
of evidence brought together, field causalities expands the analytical scope of
forensic architecture.



Let me illustrate this a bit. Forms
of violence are crucially convertible one to another. Drying fields along the
Sahel or the Great Syrian Desert, for example, reach a point in which they can
no longer support their farmers, contributing to impoverishment, migration to
cities, slumnization and waves of protest that might contribute to the eruption
of armed conflict. These layers call for a form of architectural analysis able
to shift and synthesize information at different scales—from single incidents
as they are registered in the immediate spatial setting, through patterns of
violations across the entire urban terrain to 'environmental violence'
articulated in the transformation of large territories.





Eyal Weizman is an architect, Professor of Visual Cultures and director
of the Centre for Research Architecture at Goldsmiths, University of London.
Since 2011 he also directs the European Research Council funded project, Forensic
Architecture - on the place of architecture in international
humanitarian law. Since 2007 he is a founding member of the architectural
collective DAAR in Beit
Sahour/Palestine. Weizman has been a professor of architecture at the Academy
of Fine Arts in Vienna and has also taught at the Bartlett (UCL) in London at
the Stadel School in Frankfurt and is a Professeur invité at the École des
hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS) in Paris. He lectured, curated and
organised conferences in many institutions worldwide. His books include Mengele's
Skull (with Thomas Keenan at Sterenberg Press 2012), ForensicArchitecture (dOCUMENTA13
notebook, 2012), The Least of all Possible Evils (Nottetempo
2009, Verso 2011), Hollow Land (Verso, 2007), A
Civilian Occupation (Verso, 2003), the series Territories 1,2
and 3, Yellow Rhythms and many articles in journals, magazines
and edited books. 



Related links





Facultyprofile at Goldsmith
Forensic Architecture homepage
Read
Weizman's introduction to Forensis
(2014) here
(pdf)
Read
Weizman's Forensic Architecture: Notes
from Fields and Forums (dOCUMENTA 2012) here
(pdf)
Read
Weizman's Lethal Theory (2009) here (pdf)
Read
the introduction to Weizman's Hollow Land
(2007) here
(pdf)


Print version of this Talk (pdf)




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The goal for this course is to have students think about war in all its complexities. Militarism and war have a relationship with, and impact on, the practice of gender. Looking at what gender has to do with war, how masculinity and femininity work in times of war to create soldiers, and how gender is used, along with race, to create enemies, helps students to engage ideas about gender and its relationship to war and militarism, to understand more fully the impact of war on women both inside and outside of the military, to look at world affairs and the current global situation in context, and to ask questions about imperialism and alternatives to war. Conceptions of the proper practice of gender have particular meaning for women in wartime, but their meaning for both men and women in this particular war with increased participation by US women soldiers is shifting. How are ideas about femininity shaken when women participate in the military? What about ideas about masculinity? Because militarism functions as a form of imperialism, the US military occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq has gendered implications on the people of those states. What then are the transnational implications of militarism, these wars, occupation, and the accompanying ideas about gender?Suggested readingsCynthia Cockburn. 2007. From Where We Stand: War, Women's Activism & Feminist Analysis. London, UK: Zed Books.The author looks at women's resistance in various contexts around the world.Eisenstein Zillah. 2007. Sexual Decoys: Gender, Race, and War in Imperial Democracy. London, UK: Zed Books.An interesting exploration of the ways femininity and race are simultaneously deployed in the war on Iraq.Cynthia Enloe. 2000. Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women's Lives. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Enloe's exhaustive enumeration of militarization around the world is essential for students.Chris Hedges. 2002. War Is A Force That Gives Us Meaning. New York, NY: Anchor Books.Written by a journalist who has witnessed various wars, this book gives a sense of the seductiveness of war as a solution to conflict and a good look at its consequences.Sorayya Khan. 2006. Noor. Wilmington, NC: University of North Carolina Press.This beautiful novel set in Pakistan explores how gender works within a family deeply affected by the war between East and West Pakistan that created Bangladesh.Robin Riley, Naeem Inayatullah. 2006. Interrogating Imperialism: Conversations on Gender, Race, and War. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.This collection of essays from writers in various disciplines enumerates the effects of the war on Iraq from feminist, International Relations, and Post‐colonial Studies perspectives.Robin Riley, Chandra Talpade Mohanty, and Minnie Bruce Pratt. Forthcoming. Feminism and War: Confronting U.S. Imperialism. London, UK: Zed Press.A diverse set of scholars and activists examine the questions raised by ongoing US military initiatives. These theorists and organizers develop an anti‐racist, feminist politics that puts the analysis of imperialist power, and forms of resistance to it, front and center in relation to contemporary issues of women and war.Barbara Sutton, Sandra Morgen, and Julie Novkov (Eds). 2008. Critical Perspectives on Gender, Race, and Militarization. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.A transnational collection of essays detailing the consequences of militarism around the world.Note
* Women's and Gender Studies Department, Syracuse University. E‐mail: rlriley@syr.edu Online resourcesTeach peace.com http://teachpeace.com/This website has lots of good materials to problematize the issues of war and militarism. It has newsletters, articles from a variety of authors on war and militarism around the world, and free films that can be shown to students in classesInternational Committee of the Red Cross http://www.icrc.org/Eng/womenStatistics and information on the state of women around the world in war zonesUnited Nations Development Fund For Women http://www.unifem.org/resources/item_detail.php?ProductID=17 Report on the effects of armed conflict on women around the world. Resources and linksWomen in War Zones http://www.womeninwarzones.org/The situation of women in the CongoCode Pink: Women Say No To War http://www.womensaynotowar.org/article.php?list=type&type=100Anti war site with organizing information, and articles about women in war zones as well as links to other anti war sitesSaying No to Militarism and War http://www.converge.org.nz/pma/sayno.htmThis website has statistics relating to the cost of wars around the planet and good information on military spendingAmerican Friends Service Committee http://www.afsc.orgWebsite of Quaker group with information, videos, and links promoting peaceWorld Military Spending http://www.globalissues.org/article/75/world‐military‐spendingLinks and information on the aboveFilms Generation Kill 2008 HBO Series. Fictionalized accounts of one unit's experiences in Iraq good exploration of the horrors and boredom of war and how masculinity works within these highly masculinized sites. Jarhead 2005 A film adaptation of a former Marine's story of his service in Desert Storm. It exemplifies how masculinity works within a war zone. In the Valley of Elah 2007. Fictionalized account of a true story of the return of an American GI and his subsequent disappearance and murder. The story is told through the voice of his father, a former soldier himself, who searches for his son. Quite a moving portrayal of the impact of war on soldier's families. The Women Outside 2000 Documentary detailing the lives of women whose lives are dependent on American military bases. Why We Fight 2005 Documentary that elaborates the escalation of militarism following World War II. Control Room. 2004 Documentary that chronicles the early days of the war on Iraq through the view of Al Jazeera television and the relationship with the Western media and occupying troops.Sample syllabusScheduleWeeks 1–3 Introductions plan for the course Women in the military Jessica Lynch, Shoshanna Johnson and Lori Piestewa Start Reading Kayla Williams Love my Rifle More Than You NortonWeek 4 Militiarism Read:Ismael Hossein‐Zadeh. The Political Economy of US Militarism. pp. 1–26, 39–74Catherine Lutz. Homefront: A Military City and the American 20th CenturyBeacon 1–44Week 5 Creating An Enemy Read: Hossein Zaddeh 75–125Lutz 171–214Week 6 Defense Spending & Defense Contractors Read: Hossein Zaddeh 181–245Lutz 214–257Week 7 Masculinity and Soldiering Read: Cynthia Enloe. 'Masculinity As A Foreign Policy Issue'. pp. 254–258Cynthia Enloe. 'Beyond "Rambo" Women and the Varieties of Militarized Masculinity'. pp. 71–93Soldier's Stories: Dispatches From Iraq. pp. 112–129. New Yorker. June 12, 2006Cynthia Enloe. 'When Soldiers Rape' 108–152Ruth Seifert. 'War and Rape: A Preliminary Analysis'. pp. 54–69Eric Schmitt. 'Rapes Reported by Servicewomen ...' pp. 1–3Week 8 Abu Ghraib, Torture and Lynndie, Meghan and Janis & Other Prisoners Read: BB McElvey. 'Cell Block Party'. pp. 17–27McElvey. 'Counterinsurgency Operations'. pp. 75–86Mc Elvey. 'A Letter Asking For Poion'. pp. 199–205Harding. 'The Other Prisoners'. pp. 1–3Harding. 'Behind The Walls of Abu Ghraib'.Barbara Ehrenreich. 'Feminism's Assumptions Upended'. pp. 1–3Week 9 Military Prostitution:
The Women Outside Read: BB Enloe. 'The Prostitute, The Colonel, And The Nationalist'. pp. 49–107Katherine Moon. 'Partners in Prostitution'Jennifer Butler. 'Militarized Prostitution'. pp. 205–232World Tribune.com. 'US Military Blames Lap Dances For Declining Discipline'. pp. 1–2Week 10 Women IN War‐ Suicide Bombers and Life in Afghanistan and Iraq Read: BB Cooke Miriam. 'Saving Brown Women'. pp. 468–470Walter. 'Women at War'. pp. 1–3Ayesha Khan. 'Afghan Refugee Women's Experience ...' pp. 421–425Dickey. 'Women of Al Qaeda'. pp. 1–7Dehghanpisheh. 'Iraq's Hidden War'. pp. 1–5Banerjee. 'Rape and Silence about it Haunts Baghdad'. pp. 1–3Castle. 'The Girl Next Door'. pp. 1–3Smith. 'Raised As Catholic in Belgium'. pp. 1–4Weeks 11 & 12 Peacekeepers & War Zones Read: Sandra Whitworth. Men, Militarism and UN Peackeeping. Lynne Reiner. pp. 1–52Riverbend. Baghdad Burning: Girl Blog From Iraq. The Feminist Press. pp. xi–xxiii, 1–44Week 13 Life Under Occupation Read: Riverbend. 46–81, 92–114, 186–193, 222–235, 258–266Week 14 Anti‐War Resistance.

At the peak of the summer heat last week Americans turned on their flat TVs to watch the Sotomayor hearings before the House Judiciary Committee. But their anticipation mixed in some cases with a certain sense of foreboding, soon evaporated, and they turned their sets off again with a big yawn. Although the Republican senators who interrogated Judge Sotomayor put in full display the traits that make them a species close to extinction, their questions were tame if compared with those addressed to Anita Hill in 1991, and Sotomayor answered with caution and self-restraint.Although in that sad historic episode Hill was not the nominee but a witness against the confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas, the echoes of that summer 18 years ago were still unmistakable: a panel of powerful middle aged white men sitting in the most powerful political institution in the country, aggressively questioning the veracity of each word uttered by a highly educated minority woman. She was questioned on a wide range of valid issues, from her views on the Constitution to her judicial philosophy to her position on several politically charged Supreme Court decisions, but the Southern Republican senators kept coming back to her views on the Second Amendment (right to bear arms), affirmative action and the insinuations of reverse racism and judicial activism. Aware that Judge Sonia Sotomayor will soon become the first Hispanic in the highest court of the United States regardless, rather than go after the votes of the fastest growing majority in the country, they chose to score points with their own right-wing base. In so doing, some of them appeared outright Jurassic in their tone: Senator Coburn from Oklahoma, in a pathetic imitation of Desi Arnaz's Cuban accent in the classic series I Love Lucy, started his interrogation of Judge Sotomayor by telling her she would have "some 'splaining to do". The implications were that Sotomayor is a reverse racist, an overemotional Latina who cannot control her temper and who lets her cultural identity influence her rulings. The ranking member of the Judiciary Committee, Senator Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, Republican from Alabama, grilled Sotomayor on part of a speech she gave at Berkeley 17 years ago, where she said that, when making a judging, she would "hope that wise Latina woman, with the richness of her experience would more often than not reach abetter conclusion than a white male who has not lived that life", a concept that, Sessions insists, implies "reverse racism". There was quite little inquiry into Sotomayor's three thousand decisions on a wider variety of issues as a federal judge. Sotomayor stoically sat before the panel, answering their questions narrowly and sticking to three main answers: the role of a judge is to apply the laws established by the legislature, not to create new law, in absolute accordance with the Constitution, and precedent. In other words, the wise Latina, a Princeton lawyer, former prosecutor and currently a judge with 17 years of experience in the federal bench, ignored their worst innuendos and played along. It paid off: she will be confirmed as the first Hispanic Supreme Court judge on the floor of the Senate August 7th.The country as a whole could then move on to the intense debate taking place in Congress over health care reform. There is consensus that it is imperative to get it done soon: its expenses represent 1/6th of the national US economy, its out- of- control costs affect all Americans and threaten to bankrupt the national economy in the long term. Because of Bill Clinton's failure to get health care reform passed, Obama has from the beginning stressed the importance of speed in passing this bill, and gave Congress a lot of leeway in the details of the plan, and a deadline of early August, which apparently will not be met. Not only is the Democratic proposal unacceptable for most Republicans, who have attacked it with force, but now the Congressional Democrats are divide among themselves into three groups. The Blue Dog Democrats, mostly from the South, are fiscally conservative and do not believe the President can fund the plan without further increasing the deficit to breaking point levels. The progressives or liberals cannot accept anything less than universal coverage with a public plan to compete with the private insurance companies. In the middle, the moderates are willing to sacrifice those principles in order to get some kind of reform passed, because they fear failure more than anything else.The latter may also be the stance of the President since it is consistent with his style of leadership. His tendency to emphasize consensus and try to reconcile all groups many times results on watered down legislation, which is then claimed as a triumph for the White House. His emphasis on speeding the process and his willingness to accept the lower common denominator has made it impossible for him to get what he needs out of the primary players. With a 70% majority in the House and with 60 seats out of 100 in the Senate, the President will be hard put to explain failure in passing health care reform, since he won't be able to blame the Republicans. Speaker Pelosi, who is a strong leader and has managed to get party discipline in most cases so far, insists that she has the votes and promises to pass substantial reform, but as the deadline approaches, it appears increasingly likely that Congress will leave for its August break without a vote. In the meantime, public anxiety is on the rise: it is a complex topic, the options are sometimes hard to understand and the public is being misled by those opposed to reform.President Obama had an important opportunity to retool his message and clearly articulate why the country really needs health care reform now rather than later, last Wednesday, during his prime time press conference. He started in cue, but his message became completely obliterated when one of the journalists asked him an unrelated question about a bizarre incident involving a black Harvard professor and a white Massachusetts police sergeant. Seeing this opportunity as one of his famous "teachable moments", the President, who knows the professor personally, got ensnared in an unlikely local issue involving race and police profiling. It seem that returning from a trip to China, a Harvard professor and his driver were trying to unlock the door to his house in an affluent Cambridge neighborhood when a neighbor called the police and reported what looked to her to be an attempted break-in. When the policeman got there and questioned Professor Gates, a middle aged African American who walks with a cane, he angrily responded that this was his house, that he was a Harvard professor and that the policeman was racist and was using racial profiling in trying to stop him from entering his own house. The exchange continued for a while and ended up with Sergeant Crowley handcuffing and arresting Professor Gates, and taking him to the police station. He was released a few hours later. Obama's answer was that he did not know all the facts and that it appeared it was a misunderstanding but that the police had acted "stupidly". This was enough to ignite a major national debate that overshadowed more important issues at hand, for example, the health care discussions.While a highly paid tenured professor in the richest university in the world is an unlikely victim, and does not need the President of the United States to defend him, particularly in the city of Cambridge, which boasts a Black mayor, in the state of Massachusetts, which has a Black governor, the episode nevertheless was seized by Obama as an opportunity to have another conversation on race, of those that make Americans so uncomfortable. But the opposition did not lose a moment to portray the President as "against law enforcement", and Fox News misquoted him as saying the policeman was stupid (instead of "acted stupidly"). Obama then had to intervene again to stop the silliness, apologizing from his comment, explaining how there had been overreaction from both sides involved in the incident and inviting them both for a beer at the White House, which both the Sergeant and the Professor gladly accepted. So all ended well…just like the Sotomayor hearings. But the fact still remains that if you are Black or Hispanic in the United States, your chances of getting arrested or subdued by force by the police are much higher than if you are white Caucasian. And your chances of getting harassed by the Senate Judiciary Committee when nominated for the Supreme Court are apparently as high.Both the Supreme Court hearings and the arrest of the Harvard professor can be seen through multiple prisms: the race prism, the gender prism and the class prism. All involve unequal relations of power and their effects on the dispensing of justice and on the national psyche.Judge Sonia Sotomayor's rise from the Bronx projects to Princeton, Yale and the federal bench show that the American system works, in spite of the "ancien régime" Republican Senators from the formerly racist South. She had to overcome being poor, female and Hispanic, but was able to navigate the system and succeed, thanks to the civil rights movement of the 60s and the laws thereby derived. Similarly, Professor Henry Louis Gates, one of the best known Black literary scholars in the country, overcame poverty and a leg injury to attend Yale and the University of Cambridge's Clare College in England. He was the first African American to receive the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Fellowship and today he is a Harvard Professor and Director of W.E.B Du Bois Institute for African and African- American Research. Both are considered members of affluent intellectual elite, and have thus overcome race and class biases, but occasionally still become the victims of racism. This is deplorable enough when it comes from the less educated and working-class whites who resent their success and upper class status, but utterly shameful when exploited by the privileged Old Boys in the Senate Judiciary Committee, whose hegemony is threatened by the same laws and the same Constitution they purport to defend. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

Tensión en Argentina, se enfrentan productores rurales y el gobierno.Como respuesta a políticas llevadas a cabo por la presidenta Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, tiene lugar una huelga agraria con cortes de rutas, falta de alimentos para el consumo de la población y a la vez un aumento de precios que en algunos productos llega al 150 por ciento.Discursos y manifestaciones tuvieron lugar en el país vecino.Varios medios cubren los sucesos:"El País" de Madrid informa: "Los agricultores argentinos aceptan negociar con el Gobierno y suspenden la huelga":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/agricultores/argentinos/aceptan/negociar/Gobierno/suspenden/huelga/elpepuint/20080329elpepiint_5/Tes"The Economist" publica: "The Kirchners v the farmers":http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10925670"La Nación" analiza: "Escepticismo y advertencias del campo a la espera de los anuncios oficiales":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/politica/nota.asp?nota_id=1000159Advertencia del Gobierno sobre el paso de los camiones del MERCOSUR, "La Nación" informa:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/politica/nota.asp?nota_id=1000156"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "Sigue la huelga agraria y se agrava la falta de alimentos en Argentina":http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/latinoamerica/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4054252.html"La Nación" publica: "Otra plaza de los Kirchner, pero con un sello diferente":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/politica/nota.asp?nota_id=1000171"CNN" informa: "Striking farmers resume blockades in Argentina":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/03/31/argentina.strike/index.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "En Argentina, el sector agropecuario retoma la huelga tras fracaso de reunión con el Gobierno":http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/latinoamerica/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4050692.html"El Universal" de México nos informa: "Defiende Cristina Fernández democracia y pide apoyo a argentinos":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/494718.html"Times" publica: "Argentina in turmoil as farmers' blockade empties shops of food":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article3663279.ece"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "La Presidenta de Argentina criticó a los líderes del sector rural: Cristina endurece su postura y busca apoyo a su gestión con acto masivo":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/04/02/internacional/_portada/noticias/3C9BADFF-3737-4E95-9F17-CD0A13F89BA2.htm?id={3C9BADFF-3737-4E95-9F17-CD0A13F89BA2}Los ruralistas empiezan a flexibilizar los cortes:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/politica/nota.asp?nota_id=1000417"La Nación" informa: "Cristina tuvo su Plaza del Sí .La Plaza de Mayo fue testigo del poder kirchnerista; gobernadores, ministros, piqueteros, sindicalistas y dirigentes participaron de la convocatoria para apoyar al Gobierno en plena disputa con el campo":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/politica/nota.asp?nota_id=1000421AMERICA LATINAEl grave estado de salud de Ingrid Betancourt impulsa el órdago del Gobierno Colombiano con las FARC. Diferentes medios informan sobre el suceso: "El País" de Madrid publica: "Colombia ofrece excarcelar a presos de las FARC a cambio de rehenes":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Colombia/ofrece/excarcelar/presos/FARC/cambio/rehenes/elpepuint/20080329elpepiint_6/Tes"El Universal" de México informa: "Ofrece Uribe suspender operación militar para rescatar a Betancourt":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/494692.html"CNN": "Son says hostage mother needs transfusion to stay alive":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/04/02/colombia.hostage/index.htmlEl mosquito del dengue amenaza a Río de Janeiro, "The Economist" analiza: "Feverish in Rio":http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10925811Raúl Castro anuncia nuevas políticas para la isla: Continúa el impulso de reformas en Cuba. Desde hoy, los ciudadanos de la isla pueden alojarse en los hoteles de lujo de la isla:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1000153"MSNBC" publica: "Cell phones in Cuba: Revolutionary?. Small steps could help push back demands for deeper change": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23850623/"CNN" informa: "Cuba opens tourist hotels to citizens":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/03/31/cuba.hotels/index.html"Miami Herald" publica: "Castro reforms: DVDs, farms for Cubans":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/AP/story/478649.html"Después de Cuba, Venezuela es el país con más limitaciones a la prensa, "El Tiempo" de Colombia informa:http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/latinoamerica/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4052173.html"El Universal" de México informa: "Compra de arsenal por parte de Venezuela preocupa a EU":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/494732.html"CNN" publica: "'Dirty war' officer sent back to Argentina":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/03/31/spain.argentina/index.htmlESTADOS UNIDOSVarios medios informan sobre las elecciones en Estados Unidos:"The Economist" publica: "On the campaign trail,Primary colour":http://www.economist.com/world/na/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10926328"Times" informa: "Hillary Clinton: I'm like Rocky, I never quit":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/us_elections/article3663271.ece"Miami Herald" analiza: "McCain's quiet campaign for Catholics":http://www.miamiherald.com/political-currents/story/478456.html"Miami Herald" analiza la propuesta económica de los principales candidatos a la presidencia estadounidense: "McCain, Clinton, Obama: Their views on the economy":http://www.miamiherald.com/political-currents/story/479051.html"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Vicecomandante del Comando Sur: "Nos preocupa la gran cantidad de armas que está comprando Caracas":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/04/02/internacional/internacional/noticias/D21562E8-807B-40BA-80FC-1E1A8B95E4B8.htm?id={D21562E8-807B-40BA-80FC-1E1A8B95E4B8}"El Universal" de México publica: "Se empeña EU en construir mil 100 km de muro en frontera con México":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/494564.html"Times" informa: "Nato summit: George Bush backs Ukraine and Georgia for Nato":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article3660044.ece"Miami Herald" publica: "US wants 3,600 new troops in Darfur soon":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/AP/story/479114.htmlEUROPALa UE rompe el hielo con Serbia.El ministro de Exteriores serbio se reúne con sus colegas europeos, pero evita un encuentro con líderes kosovares, "El Pais" de Madrid publica:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/UE/rompe/hielo/Serbia/elpepuint/20080329elpepuint_8/Tes"CNN" informa: "Irish PM to quit over payments scandal":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/04/02/irish.pm.ap/index.html"La Nacion" analiza: "La inflación sigue preocupando a Europa.La suba de precios continuó acelerándose en marzo en la zona euro y llegó hasta el 3,5%, según el primer cálculo publicado por la Eurostat; de confirmarse el dato, sería un nuevo máximo":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/economia/nota.asp?nota_id=1000163"CNN" publica: "Diana death inquest jury mulls verdict": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/04/02/diana.inquest/index.html"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Cumbre comienza hoy en Rumania: Sarkozy negociará en Bucarest regreso de Francia a mando militar de la OTAN":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/04/02/internacional/_portada/noticias/8C447837-979F-4E02-AC44-0307BF7143F4.htm?id={8C447837-979F-4E02-AC44-0307BF7143F4}ASIA – PACÍFICO Y MEDIO ORIENTE"Ney York Times" publica: "South Korea Plays Down Missile Test by the North":HTTP://WWW.NYTIMES.COM/2008/03/29/WORLD/ASIA/29KOREA.HTML?REF=WORLDTransición a la democracia en Bhutan, "The Economist" publica: "Voting on the king's orders":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10926699Continúa la tensión entre China y Tíbet: "The Economist" informa: "Welcome to the Olympics": http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10925708Tibetan monk protests reflect growing activism. More Buddhist monks, nuns likely to revolt against injustice, oppression. "MSNBC" publica: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23859906/"Miami Herald" informa: "Dalai Lama again threatens to quit over Tibet violence":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/story/471748.htmlEE UU bombardea posiciones de milicianos de Al Sáder en Basora.Las fuerzas estadounidenses informan de la muerte de 48 milicianos en Bagdad solo hoy. "El País" de Madrid publica: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/EE/UU/bombardea/posiciones/milicianos/Sader/Basora/elpepuint/20080329elpepuint_12/Tes"La Nación" informa: "Rice intenta acercar a israelíes y palestinos. La secretaria de Estado de EE.UU. se reunió por separado con Ehud Olmert y Mahmoud Abbas":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1000152"El Pais" de Madrid publica: "Militantes talibanes vuelan una central eléctrica en el sur de Afganistán .Dos empleados han muerto y ocho personas han resultado heridas por la explosión":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Militantes/talibanes/vuelan/central/electrica/sur/Afganistan/elpepuint/20080329elpepuint_10/TesSe analiza la posibilidad de aumentar las tropas en Afganistán, "CNN" informa al respecto: "NATO chief: Afghan troop increase likely":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/04/02/bush.nato/index.htmlLa comisión internacional que investiga el atentado que acabó en Beirut con la vida del ex primer ministro libanés Rafik Hariri sigue aportando nuevos detalles en medio de la confusión: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/ONU/afirma/Hariri/asesino/red/criminal/elpepuint/20080329elpepiint_4/Tes"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "En Irak, líder radical chií ofrece dejar las acciones armadas a cambio de amnistía": http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/orientemedio/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4051680.htmlComienza la cumbre árabe, deslucida por la ausencia de líderes clave.El boicoteo de Líbano, así como la no participación del presidente egipcio, el rey saudí y el monarca jordano crispan el encuentro,"El Pais" de Madrid informa: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Comienza/cumbre/arabe/deslucida/ausencia/lideres/clave/elpepuint/20080329elpepuint_11/Tes AFRICAMugabe ha presidido Zimbabue desde el año 1980, año en que el país dejó de ser una colonia británica y alcanzó la independencia. El sábado pasado, Mugabe buscó una vez más la presidencia por un período de seis años. Por primera vez en la historia de Zimbabue se celebran simultáneamente elecciones presidenciales, legislativas y municipales. Varios medios informan al respecto: "El Pais" de Madrid informa: "Mugabe afronta el mayor reto tras 28 años de Gobierno en Zimbabue" :http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Estalla/bomba/casa/candidato/Mugabe/Zimbabue/elpepuint/20080329elpepuint_6/Tes"El Tiempo" de Colombia analiza: "Oposición dice que demora de resultados en Zimbabue es señal de juego sucio":http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/otrasregiones/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4053866.html"Times" publica: "Endgame in Zimbabwe as Robert Mugabe nears exit": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article3663369.eceZimbabwe opposition denies transition talks. Earlier, sources said Mugabe was considering stepping down. "MSNBC" informa: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23879005/"MSNBC" publica: "Death toll of 200,000 disputed in Darfur. Former U.N. chief says his estimate in 2006 is too low, Sudan says too high": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23848444/ECONOMIA"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10926595&CFID=422741&CFTOKEN=28437360"CNN" informa: "Banking stocks lead markets rally":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/04/02/world.markets.ap/index.html"CNN" publica : "Food prices rising across the world":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/03/24/food.ap/index.html OTRAS NOTICIAS En el mundo hay más musulmanes que católicos. Son más del 19% de la población,"La Nación" analiza:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1000020

El presente ensayo indagará sobre el rol protagónico de mujeres realizadoras, programadoras y curadoras de cine experimental y video arte argentino. Se analizarán los trabajos tanto en la realización de obra audiovisual como también en sus facetas de programadoras de salas, museos, centros culturales, que han dedicado espacios a la difusión del audiovisual experimental argentino. Si bien se nombrarán varios casos, se analizarán puntualmente los momentos históricos de gestación y consolidación del cine experimental y video arte en Argentina. Un punto en común, más allá de los diversos contextos políticos y culturales, es el activismo de estas realizadoras en relación a los derechos de las mujeres en el medio audiovisual. Los nombres y casos de mujeres desatacadas en ambos son los siguientes. Marie-Louise Alemann, una de las pioneras del cine experimental, formó el "Grupo Cine Experimental Argentino" en la sede del instituto Goethe y estuvo a cargo de la programación de la Cinemateca entre 1979 y 1985, espacio donde se podían ver y debatir los films de Rainer Werner Fassbinder, Alexander Kluge, Edgar Reitz o Wim Wenders. Nació en Alemania en 1927 y se radicó en el país en 1949. Se desempeñó como fotógrafa, periodista, actriz teatral y artista plástica y hacia 1967 –cuando la dictadura militar de Juan Carlos Onganía comenzaba a cercar al Instituto Di Tella– participó junto a sus amigos Walter Mejía y Narcisa Hirsch de un happening en la puerta de la sala donde se estrenaba Blow Up, de Michelangelo Antonioni. Aquella intervención en la vía pública fue documentada por Raymundo Gleyzer, en lo que se considera fue una de los pocas coincidencias entre lo que por entonces eran las vanguardias políticas y estéticas. Narcisa Hirsch, pionera del cine experimental argentino, participó del mismo grupo. El cine "es solo luz proyectada, movimiento puro" sostenía vehementemente Narcisa Hirsch en una entrevista (Paparella, 1995: 34). Retomando una de las premisas básicas del modernismo pictórico. Hirsch proponía concentrarse en la propia esfera de materiales y significación del cine como medio; en su "esencia". El cine experimental presentaba su propia materia, construía su objeto sin ningún tipo de intención narrativa o diegética. Por el lado del video arte, en otro contexto histórico y cultural, fuertemente ligado a los avances técnicos y a la masividad de las cámaras videograbadoras, analizaremos el caso de Graciela Taquini. En relación a la figura de Graciela Taquini, se puede mencionar que ha sido y continúa siéndolo hasta hoy, una figura clave en la difusión y exhibición del video arte argentino. Es una artista y curadora argentina que ha desarrollado la mayor parte de su producción artística en el área del video experimental monocanal. Sus obras han recibido diferentes premios, entre ellos el Premio de la Asociación de Críticos de Arte de la Argentina al mejor guion, el Primer Premio del Festival Videobrasil, y en 2005 el Premio a la Acción Multimedia, Asociación Argentina de Críticos de Arte. Ha sido apodada "la tía del videoarte argentino" por su temprana participación e interés en dicha disciplina. En 2012 recibió la Premio Konex de Platino en Video Arte. Es miembro de número de la Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes. Finalmente, y en relación al uso de los nuevos medios, se reflexiona sobre un grupo de mujeres realizadoras y gestoras culturales dedicadas al cine y video experimental, se mencionará el caso de AREA Asociación de realizadores experimentales audiovisuales. Si bien no es un grupo exclusivamente femenino, cuenta con una comisión de género en el que la problemática de la mujer en el cine y en el audiovisual experimental es ampliamente abordada, en un contexto contemporáneo. ; this essay will investigate the leading role of female directors, programmers and curators of Argentine Experimental Cinema and Video Art. Their material will be analyzed both, in the filmmaking of audiovisual work and in their roles of programmers of theaters, museums and cultural centers where space for the dissemination of Argentine experimental audiovisual has been devoted. Several cases will be mentioned, though only historical periods of creation and consolidation of the experimental cinema and video art will be specifically analyzed. In spite of multiple political and cultural contexts, activism among these female directors is a common factor as regards women rights within audiovisual business. The names of prominent women in both cases are as follow: Marie-Louise Alemann, one of the pioneers of experimental cinema. She organized 'The Argentine Experimental Cinema Group' on the premises of the Goethe Institute and was in charge of the programming of this film archive between 1979 and 1985. This hub showed films by Rainer Werner Fassbinder, Alexander Kluge, Edgar Reitz or Wim Wenders. Alemann was born in Germany in 1927 and settled down in Argentina in 1949. She was a photographer, journalist, stage actress, and painter. In 1967, when the Di Tella Institute of Arts was being fenced by the dictatorship of Juan Carlos Onganía, Alemann took part of a happening, together with Walter Mejia and Narcisa Hirsch, at the premiere of Blow Up, by Michelangelo Antonioni at the entrance of the theater hall. That art intervention in the thouroughfare was documented by filmmaker Raymundo Gleyzer. It was one of the few coincidences between aesthetic and political avant-gardes at that time. Narcisa Hirsch, pioneer of experimental cinema, was part of the same group. "Cinema is just projected light, sheer movement" she vehemently maintained. From an interview (Paparella, 1995:34) Narcisa Hirsch, revisiting one of the basic premises of the Pictorical Modernism, proposed to focus in the very field of materials and cinema significance as a medium at its core. Experimental cinema presented its own essence, it built its object without any narrative intention or diegetic. As for Video Art, in another historic and cultural context strongly associated with technological advancements and with the massiveness of video camera recorders, we will analyze the case of Graciela Taquini. In what refers to the figure of Graciela Taquini, we can say she has been, and still is, a key figure in the broadcasting and exhibition of Argentine Video Art. She is an Argentine artist and curator who has developed most of her artistic production in the area of the Monochannel Experimental Video. Her works have received different awards, among them Premio de la Asociación de Críticos de Arte de la Argentina (Argentina Arts Critics Association Award best script), Primer Premio del Festival Videobrasil (Video-Brazil Festival, first prize), and in 2005 Premio a la Acción Multimedia (Multimedia Action Award).Taquini has been nicknamed "The Aunt of Argentine Video Art" because of her early involvement and interest in that discipline. In 2012 she was awarded the Platinum Konex in Video Art. She is a permanent member at the Academia Nacional de Bellas Artes (National Accademy of Arts). Finally, and in relation to the use of new media, a reflexion will take place about a group of female directors and cultural managers devoted to experimental cinema and video. The case of AREA (Experimental Audiovisual Filmmakers Association) will be mentioned. In spite of not being an exclusively female group, it counts with a Gender Commission where the women's issue in the experimental cinema and audiovisual is approached at length in a contemporary context. ; O presente ensaio indagará sobre o papel protagónico de mulheres realizadoras, programadoras e curadoras de cinema experimental e video arte argentina. O trabalho será analisado tanto na realização de obra audiovisual como também em suas facetas de programadoras de salas, museus, centros culturais, que têm dedicado espaços à difusão do audiovisual experimental argentino. Conquanto nomear-se-ão vários casos, analisar-se-ão pontualmente os momentos históricos de gestação e consolidação do cinema experimental e video arte em Argentina. Um ponto em comum, para além dos diversos contextos políticos e culturais, é o ativismo destas realizadoras em relação aos direitos das mulheres no meio audiovisual. Os nomes e casos de mulheres proeminentes em ambos são os seguintes. Marie-Louise Alemann, uma das pioneiras do cinema experimental, formou o "Grupo Cinema Experimental Argentino" na sede do instituto Goethe e esteve a cargo da programação da Cinemateca entre 1979 e 1985, espaço onde se podiam ver e debater os filmes de Rainer Werner Fassbinder, Alexander Kluge, Edgar Reitz ou Wim Wenders. Nasceu em Alemanha em 1927 e arraigou-se no país em 1949. Desempenhou-se como fotógrafa, jornalista, actriz teatral e artista plástica e para 1967 –quando a ditadura militar de Juan Carlos Onganía começava a cercar ao Instituto Dei Tella– participou junto a seus amigos Walter Mejía e Narcisa Hirsch de um happening na porta da sala onde se estreava Blow Up, de Michelangelo Antonioni. Aquela intervenção na via pública foi documentada por Raymundo Gleyzer, no que se considera foi uma das poucas coincidências entre o que eram então as vanguardas políticas e estéticas. Narcisa Hirsch, pioneira do cinema experimental argentino, participou do mesmo grupo. O cinema "é só luz projectada, movimento puro" sustentava veementemente Narcisa Hirsch numa entrevista (Paparella, 1995: 34). Retomando uma das premisas básicas do modernismo pictórico. Hirsch propunha concentrar-se na própria esfera de materiais e significação do cinema como médio; em seu "esencia". O cinema experimental apresentava sua própria matéria, construía seu objeto sem nenhum tipo de intenção narrativa ou diegética. Pelo lado do videoarte, em outro contexto histórico e cultural, fortemente unido aos avanços técnicos e à masividade das câmaras gravadores de video, analisaremos o caso de Graciela Taquini. Em relação à figura de Graciela Taquini, pode-se mencionar que tem sido e continua o sendo até hoje, uma figura finque na difusão e exibição do video arte argentina. É uma artista e curadora argentina que tem desenvolvido a maior parte de sua produção artística no área do video experimental monocanal. Suas obras têm recebido diferentes prêmios, entre eles o Prêmio da Associação de Críticos de Arte da Argentina ao melhor guion, o Primeiro Prêmio do Festival Videobrasil, e em 2005 o Prêmio à Acção Multimédia, Associação Argentina de Críticos de Arte. Tem sido apodada "a tia do videoarte argentino" por sua temporã participação e interesse em dita disciplina. Em 2012 recebeu a Prêmio Konex de Platino em Video Arte. É membro de número da Academia Nacional de Belas Artes. Finalmente, e em relação ao uso dos novos meios, reflexiona-se sobre um grupo de mulheres realizadoras e gestoras culturais dedicadas ao cinema e video experimental, mencionando o caso de AREA Associação de realizadores experimentais audiovisuais. Conquanto não é um grupo exclusivamente feminino, conta com uma comissão de género no que a problemática da mulher no cinema e no audiovisual experimental é amplamente abordado, num contexto contemporâneo.

Mary Elizabeth King on Civil Action for Social Change,
the Transnational Women's Movement, and the Arab Awakening







Nonviolent resistance remains by and large a marginal
topic to IR. Yet it constitutes an influential idea among idealist social
movements and non-Western populations alike, one that has moved to the center
stage in recent events in the Middle East. In this Talk, Mary King—who has spent over 40 years promoting nonviolence—elaborates
on, amongst others, the women's movement, nonviolence, and civil action more
broadly.






Print version of this Talk (pdf)






What is, according to you, the central challenge or principal debate in
International Relations? And what is your position regarding this challenge/in
this debate?



The field of International Relations is different from
Peace and Conflict Studies; it has essentially to do with relationships between
states and developed after World War I. In the 1920s, the big debates concerned
whether international cooperation was possible, and the diplomatic elite were
very different from diplomats today. The roots of Peace and Conflict Studies go
back much further. By the late 1800s peace studies already existed in the
Scandinavian countries. Studies of industrial strikes in the United States were
added by the 1930s, and the field had spread to Europe by the 1940s. Peace and
Conflict Studies had firmly cohered by the 1980s, and soon encircled the globe.
Broad in spectrum and inherently multi-disciplinary, it is not possible to walk
through one portal to enter the field.



To me it is also important that Peace and Conflict
studies is not wary of asking the bigger hypothetical questions such as 'Can we
built a better world?' 'How do we do a better job at resolving conflicts before
they become destructive?' 'How do we create more peaceable societies?' If we do
not pose these questions, we are unlikely to find the answers. Some political scientists say that they do not wish to
privilege either violence or nonviolent action. I am not in that category,
trying not to privilege violence or
nonviolent action. The field of peace and conflict studies is value-laden in
its pursuit of more peaceable societies. We need more knowledge and study of
how conflicts can be addressed without
violence, including to the eventual benefit of all the parties and the larger
society. When in 1964 Martin Luther King Jr received
the Nobel Peace Prize, his remarks in Oslo that December tied the nonviolent
struggle in the United States to the whole planet's need for disarmament. He said
that the most exceptional characteristic of the civil rights movement was the
direct participation of masses of people in it. King's remarks in Oslo were also
his toughest call for the use of nonviolent resistance on issues other than
racial injustice. International nonviolent action, he said, could be utilized
to let global leaders know that beyond racial and economic justice, individuals
across the world were concerned about world peace:



I venture to suggest [above all] . . . that . . . nonviolence become
immediately a subject for study and for serious experimentation in every field
of human conflict, by no means excluding relations between nations . . . which
[ultimately] make war. . . .



In the half century since King made his address in
Oslo, nonviolent civil resistance has not been allocated even a tiny fraction
of the resources for study that have been dedicated to the fields of
democratization, development, the environment, human rights, and aspects of
national security. Many, many questions beg for research, including intensive
interrogation of failures. Among the new global developments with which to be
reckoned is the enlarging role of non-state, non-governmental organizations as
intermediaries, leading dialogue groups comprised of adversaries discussing
disputatious issues and working 'hands-on' to intervene directly in local
disputes. The role of the churches and laity in ending Mozambique's civil war
comes to mind. One challenge within IR is how to become more flexible in
viewing the world, in which the nation state cannot control social change, and
with the widening of civil space.





How did you arrive at
where you currently are in your thinking about IR?



I
came from a family that was deeply engaged with social issues. My father was the
eighth Methodist minister in six generations from North Carolina and Virginia.
The Methodist church in both Britain and the United States has a history of
concern for social responsibility ― a topic of constant discussion in my home
as a child and young adult. When four African American students began the
southern student sit-in movement in Greensboro, North Carolina, on February 1,
1960, by sitting-in at a Woolworth's lunch counter, I was still in college.
Although I am white, I began to think about how to join the young black people
who were intentionally violating the laws of racial segregation by conducting
sit-ins at lunch counters across the South. Soon more white people, very like
me, were joining them, and the sweep of student sit-ins had become truly
inter-racial. The sit-in movement is what provided the regional base for what
would become a mass U.S. civil rights movement, with tens of thousands of
participants, defined by the necessity for fierce nonviolent discipline. So,
coming from a home where social issues were regularly discussed it was almost
natural for me to become engaged in the civil rights movement. And I have
remained engaged with such issues for the rest of my life, while widening my
aperture. Today I work on a host of questions related to conflict, building
peace, gender, the combined field of gender and peace-building, and nonviolent
or civil resistance. At a very young age, I had started thinking as a citizen
of the world and watching what was happening worldwide, rather than merely in
the United States.



Martin Luther King (to whom I am
not related) would become one of history's most
influential agents for propagating knowledge of the potential for constructive
social change without resorting to violence. He was the most significant exemplar
for what we simply called The Movement. Yet the movement had two southern
organizations: in 1957 after the success of the Montgomery bus boycott of
1955-56, he created, along with others, the Southern Christian Leadership
Conference (SCLC). The other organization was the one for which I worked for
four years: the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pron. snick), which initially came into being literally to coordinate
among the leaders of the student sit-in campaigns. As the sit-ins spread across
the South, 70,000 black, and, increasingly, white, students participated. By
the end of 1960, 3,600 would have been jailed.



SCLC and SNCC worked together but
had different emphases: one of our emphases in SNCC was on eliciting leadership
representing the voices of those who had been ignored in the past. We
identified many women with remarkable leadership skills and sought to
strengthen them. We wanted to build institutions that would make it easier for
poor black southern communities to become independent and move out of the
'serfdom' in which they lived. Thus we put less prominence on large
demonstrations, which SCLC often emphasized. Rather, we stressed the building
of alternative (or parallel) institutions, including voter registration,
alternative political parties, cooperatives, and credit unions.





What would a student
need (dispositions, skills) to become a specialist in IR or understand the
world in a global way?



One requirement is a subject that
has virtually disappeared from the schools in the United States: the field of
geography. It used to be taught on every level starting in kindergarten, but
has now been melded into a mélange called 'social sciences'. You would be
surprised at how much ignorance exists and how it affects effectiveness. I
served for years on the board of directors of an esteemed international
non-profit private voluntary organization and recall a secretary who thought
that Africa was a country. This is not simplistic — if you don't know the names
of continents, countries, regions, and the basic political and economic
history, it's much harder to think critically about the world. Secondly,
students need to possess an attitude of reciprocity and mutuality. No perfect
country exists; there is no nirvana without intractable problems in our world.
No society, for example, has solved the serious problems of gender inequity
that impede all spheres of life. Every society has predicaments and problems
that need to be addressed, necessitating a constant process. So we each need to
stand on a platform in which every nation can improve the preservation of the
natural environment, the way it monitors and protects human rights, transitions
to democratic systems, the priority it places on the empowerment of women, and
so on. On this platform, concepts of inferior and superior are of little value.



You also co-authored an article in 1965 about the role of women and how working in a political movement for equality
(the civil rights movement) has affected your perceptions of the relationship
between men and women. Do you believe that the involvement of women in the
Civil Rights Movement brought more gender equality in the USA and do you think
involvement in Nonviolent Resistance movements in other places in the world
could start such a process?



From within the heart of the civil
rights movement I wrote an article with Casey Hayden, with whom I worked in
Atlanta in the main office of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and in the
Mississippi Freedom Summer of 1964. Casey
(Sandra Cason) and I were deeply engaged in a series of conversations involving
other women in SNCC about what we had been learning, the lessons from our work aiding
poor black people to organize, and asking ourselves whether our insights from
being part of SNCC could be applied to other forms of injustice, such as inequality
for women. The document reflected our growth and enlarging understanding of how
to mobilize communities, how to strategize, how to achieve lasting change, and
was a manifestation of this expanding awareness. The title was Sex and Caste – A Kind of Memo. Caste is an ancient Hindu demarcation
that not only determines an individual's social standing on the basis of
the group into which one is born, but also differentiates and assigns
occupational and economic roles. It cannot be
changed. Casey and I thought of caste as comparable to the sex of one's birth.
Women endure many forms of prejudice, bias, discrimination, and cruelty merely
because they are female. For these reasons we chose the term caste. We sent our
memorandum to forty women working in local peace and civil rights movements of
the United States. The anecdotal evidence is strong that it inspired other
women, who started coming together collectively to work on their own
self-emancipation in 'consciousness raising groups.' It had appeared in Liberation magazine of the War Resisters
League in April 1966 and was a catalyst in spurring the U.S. women's movement; indeed, the consciousness-raising
groups fuelled the women's movement in the United States during the 1970s. Historians
reflect that the article provided tinder for what is now called 'second-wave
feminism', and the 1965 original is anthologized as one of the
generative documents of twentieth-century gender studies.



We
have to remember that women's organizations are nothing new, but have been
poorly documented in history and that much information has been lost. Women
have been prime actors for nonviolent social change in many parts of the world
for a long time. New Zealand was the first country to grant women the vote, in
1893, after decades of organizing. Other countries followed: China, Iran, later
the United States and the United Kingdom. Women in Japan would not vote until
1946. IR expert
Fred Halliday contends that one of the most remarkable transnational movements
of the modern age was the women's suffrage movement. The movement to enfranchise women may have been the biggest
transnational nonviolent movement of human history. It was a significant
historical phenomenon that throws light on how it is sometimes easier to bring
about social and political change now than in the past.





Nonviolent movements seem to be growing
around the world, and not only in dictatorships but also in democracies in
Europe and the USA. How do you explain this?



I think that the sharing of
knowledge is the answer to this question. Study in the field of nonviolent
action has accelerated since the 1970s, often done by people who are both
practitioners and scholars, as am I. Organizing nonviolently for social justice
is not new, but the knowledge that has consolidated during the last 40 years
has been major. The works of Gene Sharp
have been significant, widely translated, and are accessible through the Albert EinsteinInstitution. His first major work, The Politics of Nonviolent
Action, in three volumes, came out in 1973 (Boston: Porter Sargent
Publishers). It marked the development of a new understanding of how this form
of cooperative action works, the conditions under which it can be optimized,
and the ways in which one can improve effectiveness. Sharp's works have since been
translated into more than 40 languages. Also valuable are the works and
translations of dozens of other scholars, who often stand on his shoulders.
Today there may be 200 scholar-activists in this field worldwide, with a great
deal of work now underway in related fields. Knowledge is being shared not only
through translated works, but also through organizations and their training
programs, such as the War Resisters League International and the International
Fellowship of Reconciliation, each of which came into existence in Britain around
World War I. Both are still running seminars, training programs, and
distributing books. George Lakey's Training for Change and a new database at Swarthmore College that
he has developed are sharing knowledge. So is the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict, which has built
a dramatic record in a short time, having run more than 400 seminars and
workshops in more than 139 countries. The three major films that ICNC has
produced (for example, 'Bringing Down a Dictator'), have
been translated into 20 languages and been publicly broadcast to more than 20
million viewers.



After its
success, leaders from the Serbian
youth movement Otpor! (Resistance) that in 2000 disintegrated the Slobodan Milošević dictatorship formed a network
of activists, including experienced veterans from civil-resistance struggles in
South Africa, the Philippines, Lebanon, Georgia, and Ukraine to share their
experiences with other movements. People can now more
easily find knowledge on the World Wide Web, often in their original language
or a second language, and they can find networks that share information about
their experiences, including their successes and failures.



I reject the Twitter explanation for
the increased use of nonviolent action or civil resistance, because all
nonviolent movements appropriate the most advanced technologies available. This
pattern is related to the importance of communications for their basic success.
Nonviolent mobilizations must be very shrewd in putting across their purpose,
their goals and objectives, preparing slogans, and conveying information on how
people can become involved. In order for people to join—bearing in mind that
numbers are important for success—it is critically important to make clear
what goal(s) you are seeking and why you have elected to work with civil
resistance. This decision is sometimes hard to understand for people who have
suffered great cruelty from their opponent, and who maintain 'but we are the
victims', making the sharing of the logic of the technique of civil resistance vital.





What would you say is the importance of
Nonviolent Resistance Studies in the field of International Relations and
Political Science? And how do you counter those who argue that some forms of
structural domination are only ended through violence?



In
this case we can look at the evidence and stay away from arguing beliefs or
ideology. Thanks to political scientists Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan,
who have produced a discerning work, Why Civil Resistance Works (2011), we now have
empirical evidence that removes this question from mystery. They studied 323
violent and nonviolent movements that occurred between 1900 and 2006 and found
that the nonviolent campaigns were twice as effective as violent struggles in
achieving their goals, while incurring fewer costly fatalities and producing
much greater prospects for democratic outcomes after the end of the campaign.
They found only one area in which violent movements have been more successful,
and that is in secessions. So, we don't need to dwell in the realm of opinion,
but can read their findings. Other scholars have written about the same issues
using qualitative data ― by doing interviews, developing case studies, and analytical
descriptions ― but the work of Chenoweth and Stephan is quantitative, putting
it in a different category due to its research methods.





Reading 'Why Civil Resistance Works' it
caught my eye that nonviolent campaigns seem less successful in the Middle East
and Asia than in other regions. Did you see that also in your own work? And if
so, do you have an explanation for it? In addition, do you believe that the
'Arab Awakening' is a significant turn in history, or did the name arise too
quickly and will it remain a temporary popular phrase?



What
I encountered in working in the Middle East was an expectation, notion, or hope
among people that a great leader would save them and bring them out of darkness.
This belief seems often to have kept the populace in a state of passivity.
Sometimes such pervasive theories of leadership are deeply elitist: one must be
well educated to be a leader, one must be born into that role, one must be
male, or the first son, etc. Such concepts of leadership discourage the taking
of independent civil action.



I think that the Arab Awakening has
been significant for a number of reasons. As one example, there had been a
widespread (and patronizing) assumption in the United States and the West that
the Arabs were not interested in democracy. We have heard from various sources
including Israel for decades that Arabs are not attracted to democracy. As a
matter of fact, I think that all people want a voice. All human beings
wish to be listened to and to be able to express their hopes and aspirations.
This is a fundamental basis of democracy and widely applicable, although
democracy may take different forms. The Arab Awakening rebutted this arrogant
assumption. This does not mean that the course will be easy. One of my Egyptian
colleagues said to me, 'We have had dictatorship since 1952, but after Tahir
Square you expect us to build a perfect democracy in 52 weeks! It cannot
happen!'



Among the first concessions
sought by the 2011 Arab revolts was rejection of the right of a dictator's sons
to succeed him. The passing of power from father to son has been a
characteristic of patriarchal societies, in the Arab world and elsewhere. Anthropologist John Borneman notes, 'The public renunciation of the son's claim to inherit the
father's power definitively ends the specific Arab model of succession that has
been incorporated into state dictatorships among tribal authorities'. In Tunisia to Egypt, Libya,
Syria, and Yemen (not all of which are successes), such movements have sought
to end the presumption of father-son inheritance of rule.



I believe that we are seeing the start of a broad democratization process
in the Middle East, not its end. The learning and preparation that had been occurring
in Egypt prior to Tahrir Square was extensive. Workshops had been underway for
10 to 15 years before people filled Tahrir Square. Women bloggers had for years
been monitoring torture and sharing news from outside. One woman blogger
translated a comic book into Arabic about the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King
Jr, from the 1960s, and had it distributed all over Cairo. Labor unions had
been very active. According
to historian Joel Beinin, from 1998 to 2010 some 3 million laborers took part
in 3,500 to 4,000 strikes, sit-ins, demonstrations, and other actions,
realizing more than 600 collective labor actions per year in 2007 and 2008. In the years immediately before the revolution, these
actions became more coherent. Wael Ghonim, a 30-year-old Google executive, set
up a Facebook page and used Google technologies to share ideas and knowledge
about what ordinary people can do. The April 6 Youth Movement, set up in 2008, three years before Tahrir, sent one of
its members to Belgrade in 2009, to learn how Otpor! had galvanized the
bringing down of Milošević. He returned to Cairo with materials and films,
lessons from other nonviolent movements, and workshop materials. This all goes
back to the sharing of knowledge. Yet the Egyptians have now come to the point
where they must assume responsibility and accountability for the whole and make
difficult decisions for their society. It will be a long and difficult process.
And it raises the question of what kind of help from outside is essential.





Why do you raise this point; do you think
outside help is essential?



I know from having
studied a large number of nonviolent movements in different parts of the globe
that the sharing of lessons laterally among mobilizations and nonviolent
struggles is highly effective. African American leaders were traveling by
steamer ship from 1919 until the outbreak of World War II to the Indian
subcontinent, to learn from Gandhi and the Indian independence struggles. This
great interchange between black leaders in the United States and the Gandhian
activists, as the historian Sudarshan Kapur shows in Raising
Up A Prophet (1992), was critically significant in the
solidification of consensus in the U.S. black community on nonviolent means. I have written about how the knowledge moved from East
to West in my book Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King. Scholarly exchanges and interchanges among activists
from other struggles are both potentiating and illuminating. Most
observers fail to see that nonviolent mobilizations often have very deep roots
involving the lateral sharing of experience and know-how.





You have written a book about the first
uprising, or 'intifada', in the Occupied Palestinian Territories between 1987
and 1993. The second Palestinian uprising did not contain much nonviolent
tactics though. Do you foresee another uprising soon? If not, why? If yes, do
you think that Nonviolent Actions will play again an important role in that
uprising, or is it more likely to turn violent?



Intifada is linguistically a
nonviolent word: It means shaking off and has no violent implication
whatsoever. (This word is utterly inappropriate for what happened in the
so-called Second Intifada, although it started out as a nonviolent endeavor.)
In the 1987 intifada, virtually the entire Palestinian society living under
Israel's military occupation unified itself with remarkable cohesion on the use
of nonviolent tools. The first intifada (1987-1993, especially 1987-1990)
benefited from several forces at work in the 1970s and 1980s, about which I
write in A Quiet Revolution (2007), one of which came from Palestinian activist
intellectuals working with Israeli groups, who wanted to end occupation for
their own reasons. These Israeli peace activists thought the occupation
degraded them, made them less than
human, in addition to oppressing Palestinians. The second so-called intifada
was not a 'shaking off'. For the first time, it bade attacks against the
Israeli settlements, which had not occurred before.



Let me put it this way: in virtually every situation, there is some
potential for human beings to take upon themselves their own liberation through
nonviolent action. We may expect that such potential is dormant and waiting for
enactment. Disciplined nonviolent action is underway in a number of
village-based struggles against the separation barrier in the West Bank right
now, in which Israeli allies are among the action takers. As another example,
the Freedom Theatre in Jenin is using Freedom Rides, a concept
adopted from the U.S. southern Civil Rights Movement, riding buses to the South
Hebron Hills villages and along the way using drama, music, and giant puppets
as a way of stimulating debate about Israeli occupation. Bloggers and writers
share their experiences (see e.g. this post by Nathan Schneider). For
the first time, as we speak, the Freedom Bus will travel from the West Bank to
make two performances in historic pre-1948 Palestine (Israel), in Haifa and the
Golan, in June 2013. A Palestinian 'Empty Stomach' campaign, led by Palestinian
political prisoners in Israel, has had some success in using hunger strikes to
press Israeli officials for certain demands. With the purpose of prevailing
upon Israel to conform to international resolutions pertaining to the
Palestinians and to end its military occupation, Palestinian civic
organizations in 2005 launched a Boycott, Divestment Sanctions (BDS) campaign,
drawing upon the notable example of third-party sanctions applied in the
anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. The Palestinian Authority has called
for non-state observer status at the United Nations and supports the boycotting
of products from Israeli settlements resistance.



More and more Palestinians are now
saying, 'We must fight for our rights with nonviolent resistance'. Many
Israelis are also deeply concerned about the future of their country. I
recently got an email from an Israeli who was deeply affected by reading Quiet
Revolution and has started to reach out to
Palestinians and take actions to bring to light the injustices that he
perceives. Tremendous debate is underway about new techniques, novel processes,
and how to shift gears to more effective mutual action. The United States
government and its people continue to pay for Israel's occupation and
militarization, which has abetted the continuation of conflict, although it is
often done in the name of peace! The United States has not incentivized the
building of peace. It has done almost nothing to help the construction of
institutions that could assist coexistence.



Also,
it is very important for the entire world, including Israelis, to recognize
intentional nonviolent action when they see it. The Israeli government
persisted in denying that the 1987 Intifada was nonviolent, when the Palestinian
populace had been maintaining extraordinary nonviolent discipline for nearly
three years, despite harsh reprisals. Israeli officials continued to call it
'unending war' and 'the seventh war'. Indeed, it was not perfect nonviolent discipline,
but enough that was indicative of a change in political thinking among the
people in the Palestinian areas that could have been built upon. Although some
Israeli social scientists accurately perceived the sea change in Palestinian
political thought about what methods to use in seeking statehood and the
lifting of the military occupation, the government of Israel generally did not
seize upon such popularly enacted nonviolent discipline to push for progress.
My sources for Quiet Revolution
include interviews with Israelis, such as the former Chief Psychologist of the
Israel Defense Force and IDF spokesperson.





Your latest book is about the transitions
of the Eastern European countries from being under Soviet rule to independent
democracies. You chose to illustrate these transitions with New York Times
articles. Why did you chose this approach; do you think the NY Times was
important as a media agency in any way or is there another reason?



There
is another reason: The New York Times
and CQ Press approached me and asked if I would write a reference book on the
nonviolent revolutions of the Eastern bloc, using articles from the Times that I would choose upon which to
hang the garments of the story. The point of the work is to help particularly
young people learn that they can study history by studying newspapers. The book
gives life to the old adage that newspaper reporters write the first draft of
history. In the book's treatment of these nonviolent revolutions, I chose ten Times articles for
each of the major ten struggles that are addressed, adding my historical
analysis to complete the saga for each country. It had been difficult for Times reporters to get into Poland, for
example, in the late 1970s and the crucial year of 1980; they sometimes risked
their lives. Yet it's in the nature of journalism that their on-the-spot
reportage needed additional analysis; furthermore newspaper accounts often
stress description.



After
the 1968 Prague Spring, when the Soviet Union sent 750,000 troops and tanks
from five Warsaw Pact countries into Czechoslovakia, crushing that revolt,
across Eastern Europe a tremendous amount of fervent work got underway by small
non-official committees, often below the radar of the communist party states.
This included samizdat (Russian for
'self published'), works not published by the state publishing machinery,
underground publications that were promoting new ways of thinking about how to
address their dilemma. Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Lithuania were the most
active in the Eastern bloc with their major but covert samizdat. As it was
illegal in Czechoslovakia for a citizen to own a photocopy machine, 'books'
were published by using ten pieces of onion-skin paper interspersed with carbon
sheets, 'publishing' each page by typing it and its copies on a manual
typewriter.



The
entire phenomenon of micro-committees, flying universities, samizdat boutiques,
seminars, drama with hidden meanings, underground journals, and rock groups
transmitting messages eluded outside observers, who were not thinking about
what the people could do for themselves. The economists and Kremlinologists who
were observing the Eastern bloc did not discern what the playwrights, small
committees of activist intellectuals, local movements, labor unions,
academicians, and church groups were undertaking. They did not imagine the
scope or scale of what the people were doing for themselves with utmost
self-reliance. In essence, no one saw these nonviolent revolutions coming, with
the exception of the rare onlooker, such as the historian Timothy Garton Ash. Even today the
peaceful transitions to democracy of the Eastern bloc are sometimes explained
by saying 'Gorby did it', when Gorbachev did not come to power until 1985. Or by
attributing the alterations to Reagan's going to Berlin and telling Gorbachov
to tear down the Wall. 



By
December 1981, Poland was under martial law, which unleashed a high degree of
underground organizing, countless organizations of self-help, reimagining of
the society, and the publishing of samizdat. Still, even so, some people
believe that this sweeping political change was top-down.  It is indisputably true that nonviolent
action usually interacts with other forces and forms of power, but I would say
that we need this book for its accessible substantiation of historically
significant independent nonviolent citizen action as a critical element in the
collapse of the Soviet Union.





You also mention Al Jazeera as an
important media agency in your most recent blog post at 'Waging Nonviolence'.
You wrote that Al Jazeera has an important role in influencing global affairs.
Could you explain why? And more generally, how important is diversification of
media for international politics?



Al
Jazeera generally has not been taking the point of view of the official organs
of governments of Arab countries and has usually not reported news from
ministries of information. Additionally, it often carries reports from local
correspondents in the country at issue. If you are following a report from
Gaza, it is likely to be a Gazan journalist who is transmitting to Al Jazeera.
If it is a report from Egypt, it may well be an Egyptian correspondent. Al
Jazeera also has made a point of reporting news from Israel, and utilizing
reporters in Tel Aviv, which may be a significant development. Certainly in the
2010-2011 Arab Awakening, it made a huge difference that reports were coming
directly from the action takers rather than the official news outlets of Arab
governments.



President
George W. Bush did not want Al Jazeera to come to the United States, because he
considered it too anti-American. I remember reading at the time that the first
thing that Gen. Colin Powell said to Al Jazeera was 'can you tone it down a
little?' when asking why Al Jazeera couldn't be less anti-American in its news.
To me, either you support free speech or you do not; it's free or it's not: You
can't have a little bit of control and a little bit of freedom.



Until
recently, Al Jazeera was not easily available in the United States, except in
Brattleboro, Vermont; Washington, DC; and a few other places. It was difficult
to get it straight in the United States. I mounted a special satellite so that
I could get Al Jazeera more freely. This does not speak well for freedom of the
press in the United States. This may change with the advent of Al Jazeera
America, although we still do not know to what degree it will represent an
editorially free press.



News
agencies are important for civil-resistance movements for major reasons.
Popular mobilizations need good communications internally and externally!  People need to understand clearly what is the
purpose and strategy and to be part of the making of decisions. Learning also crucially
needs to take place inside the movement: activist intellectuals often act as
interpreters, framing issues anew, suggesting that an old grievance is now
actionable. No one expects the butcher, the baker, or the candlestick maker,
and everyone else in the movement to read history and theory.



When
news media are interested and following a popular movement of civil resistance,
they can enhance the spread of knowledge. In the U.S. civil rights movement,
the Southern white-owned newspapers considered the deaths of black persons or
atrocities against African Americans as not being newsworthy. There was
basically a 'black-out', if you want to call it that, with no pun. Yet dreadful
things were happening while we were trying to mobilize, organize, and get out the
word. So SNCC created its own media, and Julian Bond
and others and I set up nationwide alternative outlets. Eventually we had 12
photographers across the South. This is very much like what the people of the
Eastern bloc did with samizdat — sharing and disseminating papers, articles,
chapters, even whole books. The media can offer a tremendous boost, but
sometimes you have to create your own.





Last question. You combine scholarship
with activism. How do you reconcile the academic claim for 'neutrality' with
the emancipatory goals of activism?



To
be frank, I am not searching for neutrality in my research. Rather, I strive
for accuracy, careful transcription, and scrupulous gathering of evidence. I
believe that this is how we can become more effective in working for justice,
environmental protection, sustainable development, pursuing human rights, or
seeking gender equity as critical tools to build more peaceable societies.
Where possible I search for empirical data. So much has been ignored, for
example, with regards to the effects of gendered injustice. I do not seek
neutrality on this matter, but strong evidence. For example, since the 1970s, experts
have known that the education of women has profoundly beneficial and measurable
effects across entire societies, benefiting men, children, and women. Data from
Kerala, India; Sri Lanka; and elsewhere has shown that when you educate women
the entire society is uplifted and that all indicators shift positively. The
problem is that the data have for decades been ignored or trivialized. We need
much more than neutrality. We need to interpret evidence and data clearly to
make them compelling and harder to ignore. I think that we can do this with
methodologies that are uncompromisingly scrupulous.





Mary Elizabeth King is professor of peace and conflict studies at the
UN-affiliated University for Peace and and is Scholar-in-Residence in the
School of International Service, at the American University in Washington, D.C.
She is also a Distinguished Fellow of the Rothermere American Institute at the
University of Oxford, in the United Kingdom. Her most recent book is The
New York Times on Emerging Democracies in Eastern Europe (Washington, D.C.:
Times Reference and CQ Press/Sage, 2009), chronicling the nonviolent
transitions that took place in Poland,  Hungary, East Germany,
Czechoslovakia, the Baltic states, Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine in the late
1980s and early 1990s. She is the author of the highly acclaimed A
Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance (New
York: Nation Books, 2007; London: Perseus Books, 2008), which examines crucial
aspects of the 1987 uprising overlooked or misunderstood by the media,
government officials, and academicians. 





Related links





King's personal page 
Read the book edited by
King on Peace Research for Africa
(UNU, 2007) here (pdf) 
Read the book by King Teaching Model: Nonviolent Transformation of
Conflict (UNU, 2006) here (pdf)










Print version of this Talk (pdf)





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Does a man who knits demonstrate courage? The question refers to the meanings attributed to knitting, which has traditionally been perceived as a female occupation performed in private space. In this article, referring to the past and the analysis of contemporary craft practice, I describe the process of deconstruction in this area. I am particularly interested in men knitting in public. The aim of my considerations is to analyze the difference between the meaning of what is male and female in knitting, and between hegemonic practice and subversive acts of deconstruction. ; Czy mężczyzna, który robi na drutach, wykazuje się dziś odwagą? Tak sformułowane pytanie odsyła do znaczeń przypisywanych dzierganiu, tradycyjnie postrzeganemu jako zajęcie kobiece, wykonywane w przestrzeni prywatnej. W ramach prezentowanego artykułu, odwołując się do przeszłości oraz w oparciu o analizę współczesnych praktyk rękodzielniczych, opisuję proces dekonstrukcji dokonujący się w tym obszarze. Szczególną uwagę poświęcam analizie aktywności mężczyzn, którzy robią na drutach publicznie, naruszając tym samym stabilność znaczeń rozpiętych pomiędzy tym, co męskie i niemęskie, pomiędzy praktyką hegemoniczną i subwersywnymi aktami jej kwestionowania. ; e.kepa@uwb.edu.pl ; Instytut Studiów Kulturowych, Uniwersytet w Białymstoku ; Anderson Eric (2015), Teoria męskości inkluzywnej, transl. Piotr Sobolczyk, "Teksty Drugie", no. 2, pp. 431–444. ; Anderson Eric, McGuire Rhidian (2010), Inclusive Masculinity Theory and the Gendered Politics of Men's Rugby, "Journal of Gender Studies", vol. 19, issue 3, pp. 249–261. ; Arcimowicz Krzysztof (2015), Współczesny ideał męskiego ciała – wybrane aspekty problematyki, "Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. 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Introducción, objetivos y justificación Esta tesis doctoral analiza, con perspectiva cuir y decolonial, la (re)producción de la sexualidad no normativa palestina en el cine israelí y en el cine palestino. Se centra concretamente, por un lado, en el cine israelí mainstream que se exporta a festivales LGTB internacionales y, por el otro, en la resistencia que se articula desde Palestina a estos discursos hegemónicos. Los objetivos de este texto son, por tanto: el análisis de los mecanismos fílmicos que producen la sexualidad palestina como Otra, el de los que resisten dicha producción, y el archivo y registro de los filmes que participan de estos corpus discursivos. La pertinencia y la relevancia ética, política y científica de esta investigación están justificadas por el contexto de creciente violencia racista e islamófoba, que instrumentaliza las experiencias y los discursos de las personas disidentes del género y de la sexualidad; así como por la escasez de un corpus bibliográfico que registre y explore los mecanismos fílmicos que sostienen, vehiculan, naturalizan y se resisten a la construcción colonial de la sexualidad palestina no normativa. Marcos de la investigación y metodología El marco epistemológico y teórico en el que se encuadra este trabajo lo mantiene anclado a: la producción de saberes situados y fronterizos, consciente de las relaciones de poder que se entretejen con la elaboración y difusión de conocimiento; la capacidad performativa y subversiva del discurso, único instrumento de aprehensión de la realidad; los feminismos interseccionales y cuir; y, por último, las teorías críticas acerca del orientalismo y el homonacionalismo. Concibo además el cine, hecho fílmico, como acto cinematográfico y como dispositivo discursivo, una tecnología (de género) más. El análisis fílmico desarrollado en estas páginas es una operación de producción de sentido, la transformación del espacio textual (el objeto-filme) en texto, con el objetivo de desmenuzar los mecanismos naturalizadores del discurso: cómo se fabrica la Verdad al invisibilizar, por un lado, la construcción de la imagen como representación de la realidad y, por otro, las relaciones de poder (coloniales, raciales, de género, funcionales, de clase). En contra de la idea de un abanico infinito de interpretaciones, el límite de éstas (los límites de pertinencia del texto) lo marca su sujeción a la historia y los propios límites del espacio textual fílmico. La muestra de análisis está compuesta por quince obras israelíes y once palestinas. Las primeras son cortos o largometrajes producidos y/o distribuidos con ayuda estatal que se promocionan en festivales internacionales LGTB. Las segundas son obras palestinas que resisten tanto el sistema normativo de sexo/género/deseo como las relaciones de poder coloniales, disidencias que no se articulan de forma paralela o separada, sino que se (re)producen mutuamente. Resultados y conclusiones Una de las conclusiones preliminares es que en los discursos israelíes analizados se articulan también mecanismos de resistencia, igual que en los palestinos hay rastro de normatividad y hegemonía. Aunque estos hallazgos sí sean comentados, su análisis pormenorizado sería objeto de nuevas líneas de investigación. Este trabajo, siguiendo los objetivos previamente diseñados y justificados, se centra en los mecanismos hegemónicos de los discursos israelíes y en las prácticas de resistencia de los discursos palestinos; y así es como son distribuidos los resultados y las conclusiones. Son cinco las ideas principales que circulan en los discursos hegemónicos israelíes analizados: (1) se naturaliza el proceso de fabricación de una Verdad determinada, invisibilizando las relaciones de poder en el ejercicio de la representación fímica; (2) se dibujan dicotomías maniqueas, jerarquizadas y excluyentes que producen diferencias insalvables entre los espacios imaginados de Israel y Palestina; (3) el mimetismo (que el sujeto colonizado pase por colono) es la única resolución posible del conflicto, pero su fracaso es un rasgo inherente a él; (4) el deseo y las relaciones de poder circulan entrelazadas en la mirada unidireccional de Israel a Palestina; y (5), la ausencia de Palestina en la mayoría de los filmes contribuye a la construcción de la subjetividad israelí, que se edifica sobre exclusiones con marcas nacional, étnica y de género. Respecto a los discursos palestinos de resistencia, son éstos los mecanismos principales que se inscriben en las obras analizadas: (1) desplazamiento de las narrativas hegemónicas y producción de contranarrativas, (2) hibridación de las subjetividades, cuerpos y territorios, y (3) problematización de la violencia y el poder que se entretejen con el deseo. Futuras líneas de investigación abarcarían, principalmente, la des-orientalización de la reflexión sobre el homonacionalismo, el racismo y la islamofobia, analizando los mecanismos que los (re)producen en los artefactos culturales, activismos y subjetividades de este "Occidente" imaginario, más concretamente en el sur de Europa, en el estado español, en este mismo Madrid que co-habitamos. ; Introduction, Objectives and Justification This thesis analyzes the (re)production of Palestinian non-normative sexuality in Israeli and Palestinian cinemas, from a queer and decolonial point of view. It is specifically focused, on the one hand, on the Israeli mainstream cinema that is exported to international LGBT film festivals. And, on the other hand, it focuses on the resistance that Palestine articulates in order to face those hegemonic discourses. Then, the objectives of this thesis are: the analysis of filmic mechanisms that produce Palestinian sexuality as an Other, the analysis of the ones that resist that production, and the archive and record of the films that shape this discursive corpus. The scientific, political, and ethical pertinence and relevance of this research are justified by the increase of racism and Islamophobia, which use queer experiences and discourses as a tool; as well as by the scarcity of a bibliographic body that explores the filmic mechanisms holding, vehiculating, naturalizing, and resisting the colonial construction of Palestinian non-normative sexuality. Theoretical Framework and Methodology This research is theoretically and epistemologically framed in: the production of situated and border knowledge, aware of the intertwined power relations; the performative and subversive dimension of discourse, which is the only tool for apprehending reality; intersectional and queer feminisms; and critical theories on orientalism and homonationalism. Besides, I conceive cinema, the filmic fact, as an act and a discursive dispositive: another technology (of gender). The film analysis I have developed is an operation that produces meaning, it is the transformation of textual space (the film object) into text, with the goal of scrutinizing the naturalizing mechanisms of discourse. Those mechanisms invisibilize the fact that images are not a representation but the production of reality; and they invisibilize colonial, colonial, racial, gender, and class power relations as well. Against the idea of an infinite range of interpretations, their limits (the limits of text pertinence) are set by its subjection to history and by the limits of the film's own textual space. The research sample consists of fifteen Israeli and eleven Palestinian films. The first ones are short or full-length films, produced and/or distributed with state funds, promoted in LGBT international film festivals. The second ones are Palestinian works resisting both the normative sex/gender/desire system and colonial power relations; those dissidences do not occur separately neither in parallel, but they mutually (re)produce each other. Results and Conclusions There are resistance mechanisms within analyzed Israeli discourses, as well as there are traces of normativity and hegemony within Palestinian works. Their analysis would lead to possible future lines of research. In this thesis, following the previously designed and justified objectives, I separate the conclusions based on their link to hegemonic (Israeli) discourses or resistance (Palestinian) ones. Five main ideas circulate within hegemonic discourses: (1) the process of making up a specific Truth is naturalized by invisibilizing the power relations attached to the representation practice itself (the debate about who writes and who is written); (2) they draw hierarchic and excluding dichotomies, which produce insurmountable differences between the imagined spaces of Israel and Palestine; (3) the only possible resolution of the conflict is mimicry (the colonized trying to pass as colonizer), but its failure is an integral part of it; (4) power relations and homoeroticism circulate interwoven relations within the Israeli gaze at Palestine; and (5), Palestinian absence in most of the films contributes to the production of Israeli subjectivity, built on national, ethnic and gender exclusions. According to the analyzed Palestinian discourses, the main mechanisms that show resistance are: (1) destabilizing of hegemonic narratives and production of counter-narratives; (2) hybridity of subjectivities, bodies and territories; and (3) making problematic the relations among violence, power, and eroticism. Future lines of research would mainly include the un-orientalizing of the debate about homonationalism, racism, and Islamophobia, analyzing the mechanisms that (re)produce them in the cultural works, in the activism and in the subjectivities that are located inside this imaginary "West" –southern Europe, Spain, and inside this same Madrid that we inhabit. ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Investigación en Medios de Comunicación ; Presidente: Luz Gómez García.- Secretario: Rocío Navarro Comas.- Vocal: Remedios Zafra Alcaraz

Theoretical frameworks no longer explain our understanding of the new challenges faced by international development cooperation stakeholders. The end of the Cold War, the political affirmation of "emerging countries", and the growing activism of non-state actors (NGOs, private sector, foundations, academia, etc.) are shattering the traditional paradigm. Furthermore, the increasing importance of private flows alongside the relative stagnation of ODA is redefining traditional donor's role. In this sense, it is necessary to revitalize the analysis to comprehend this international phenomenon.Over the last twenty years, the economic success of emerging economies contrasts with the persisting inequalities and marginalization problems that they shelter. Despite the various challenges that they still face, these "Southern Providers" are increasing their cooperation programs. South-South Cooperation has risen steadily since the year 2000. In 2013 these flows represented a total of 23.5 USD billion, while Official Development Assistance of OECD countries attained 135.1 USD billion during the same year.Inside the so-called "Southern Providers", the scope is often overlooked or ignored. In Mexico for instance, the approval of a law in 2011 implemented a new international development cooperation system. The wide range of projects in Central America (considered by Mexican stakeholders as their "natural influence zone") are formulated to sit within a legal framework, while the law is planned to be extended beyond these type of projects. Given these renewed ambitions, there is a need to better understand what is being done by Mexico in this area. As such, it is estimated that Mexican cooperation flows accounted for 551 USD millions in 2013.In this respect, the current discrepancies between traditional and South-South Cooperation raises several issues. If traditional donors' practices are discussed within the Development Assistance Committee of the OECD, those of Southern Providers remain out of reach. Therefore, the classic international aid architecture is being eroded.Proposing new analytical frameworks has become necessary. In this regard, the international environment following the adoption of the Post-2015 Development Agenda cannot be capitalised upon with outdated concepts. As a central part of this thesis, the concept of "configuration" formulated by Norbert Elias allows us to understand the phenomenon further. In this sense, the analysis of the new configuration of international development cooperation aims to understand a new distribution of power between relevant stakeholders. While the "architecture" needs to be conceived and planned, a "configuration" has a dynamic nature, and is shaped by the players' strategies to increase their power. The result is a configuration defined by the positioning of actors within the common space, and the international scene.This research is structured in three parts. First, it explains the new configuration of international cooperation for development. Second, it analyses Mexico's "systemic responsibilities" as an emerging country towards Central American countries. Finally, it addresses Mexican South-South Cooperation, in the context of the implementation of its new international development cooperation system. ; La gama de conceptos disponibles ya no es suficiente para comprender los nuevos retos que enfrentan los actores que operan dentro de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo. El fin de la Guerra Fría, la afirmación política de los "países emergentes" y el creciente activismo de los actores no-estatales (ONG, sector privado, fundaciones, universidades, etc…) han modificado la dinámica que regía las relaciones internacionales durante los años 90. Aunado a esto, la importancia de los flujos privados ante el estancamiento de la Ayuda Oficial al Desarrollo (AOD) está redefiniendo el rol de los donantes tradicionales. En este sentido, es necesario proponer nuevos marcos conceptuales que nos permitan analizar este fenómeno internacional.A pesar de los múltiples desafíos en términos de desigualdad y pobreza a los que se enfrentan, los "Cooperantes del Sur" están ampliando sus programas de cooperación. En consecuencia, la Cooperación Sur-Sur ha aumentado en forma constante desde el año 2000. En el 2013, estos flujos representaron un total de 23,5 mil millones de dólares, mientras que la AOD ascendió a 135 mil millones de dólares durante el mismo año. Esta tendencia puede a veces ser percibida por los donantes tradicionales como una amenaza.Al interior de los llamados « Cooperantes del Sur », el alcance de las políticas de cooperación a menudo se pasa por alto o es ignorado. Es el caso de México, en donde la entrada en vigor de una ley en el 2011 estableció un nuevo sistema de cooperación internacional para el desarrollo. Formulada para aumentar la eficacia de los proyectos llevados a cabo en Centroamérica (subregión considerada la "zona natural de influencia" de México), la ley favorece la implementación de proyectos de cooperación en otras partes del mundo. Frente estas ambiciones renovadas, es necesario estudiar las acciones del país en el campo. Como tal, se estima que la cooperación mexicana se elevó a aproximadamente 551 millones de dólares en el 2013.Desde este punto de vista, la actualización de la escisión entre la cooperación tradicional y la Cooperación Sur-Sur plantea varios problemas. Si las prácticas de los donantes tradicionales son discutidas y son objeto de concertación dentro del Comité de Asistencia para el Desarrollo de la OCDE, aquellas relativas a la Cooperación Sur-Sur permanecen fuera de su alcance. Por lo tanto, nos encontramos ante la erosión progresiva de la arquitectura clásica de la ayuda internacional para el desarrollo.Proponer nuevos puntos de referencia se vuelve necesario. A partir de aquí, la coyuntura que resultó de la adopción de la Agenda de Desarrollo post-2015 requiere la adopción de marcos teóricos alternativos. Para esta tesis, la noción de "configuración", formulada por Norbert Elias, nos permite entender el fenómeno desde otro enfoque. El análisis de la "nueva configuración de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo post-2015", es un intento por comprender la nueva distribución del poder entre los actores que la conforman. La "configuración post-2015" es de naturaleza dinámica, moldeada por las estrategias de los actores que la constituyen, cuyo objetivo es aumentar su margen de maniobra. Se trata en definitiva de una "configuración particular", definida por el posicionamiento de los actores internacionales. ; L'éventail de concepts disponibles aujourd'hui, n'est plus pertinent pour comprendre les nouveaux enjeux auxquels sont confrontés les acteurs qui agissent au sein de la coopération internationale pour le développement. La fin du contexte bipolaire d'où elle est le résultat, l'affirmation politique des « pays émergents » et l'activisme croissant des acteurs non-étatiques (ONG, secteur privé, fondations, universitaires, etc…) bousculent les dynamiques depuis les années 90. Puis, l'importance des flux privés face à la stagnation relative des montants d'APD redéfini le rôle des donateurs traditionnels. Dans ce sens, il est nécessaire de reconsidérer le cadre d'analyse afin de comprendre ce phénomène international. Malgré les nombreux défis en termes d'inégalités et de pauvreté auxquels ils doivent encore faire face, ces « Coopérants du Sud » sont en train d'étendre leurs programmes de coopération. Par conséquent, la Coopération Sud-Sud n'a cessé d'augmenter depuis les années 2000. C'est ainsi qu'en 2013, ces flux ont représenté un total de 23,5 milliards de dollars, tandis que l'Aide Publique au Développement des pays de l'OCDE s'est élevée à 135,1 milliards de dollars pendant la même année. Ce constat peut parfois être perçu par les donateurs traditionnels comme une menace. A l'intérieur de ceux qu'on appelle les « Coopérants du Sud », l'ampleur des politiques de coopération est souvent méconnue voire ignorée. C'est le cas du Mexique, où l'entrée en vigueur d'une loi en 2011 a mis en place un nouveau système de coopération internationale pour le développement. Formulée pour asseoir sur des bases juridiques les projets qu'il mène en Amérique Centrale (considérée par les acteurs politiques mexicains comme leur « zone d'influence naturelle »), cette loi prévoit d'étendre ce type d'actions au-delà. Face à ces ambitions renouvelées, il y a un besoin pour mieux comprendre ce qui est fait par le Mexique dans ce domaine. A ce titre, on estime qu'en 2013 la coopération du Mexique s'élève à environ 551 millions de dollars.De ce point de vue, la mise à jour du clivage entre la coopération traditionnelle et la Coopération Sud-Sud soulève plusieurs problématiques. Si les pratiques des donateurs traditionnels sont discutées et font l'objet d'une concertation au sein du Comité d'Aide au Développement de l'OCDE, celles relatives aux Coopérants du Sud restent hors de sa portée. De ce fait, l'architecture classique de l'aide internationale pour le développement est en train d'être bouleversée. Proposer de nouveaux cadres d'analyse devient alors nécessaire. De ce point de vue, le nouvel environnement issu de l'adoption de l'Agenda de Développement Post-2015 nécessite d'adopter de nouveaux cadres théoriques. Dans cette thèse, la notion de « configuration », formulée par Norbert Elias, nous permet d'appréhender le phénomène autrement. Dans ce sens, analyser la nouvelle configuration de la coopération internationale pour le développement, c'est tenter de comprendre une nouvelle répartition des forces entre tous les acteurs présents. La « configuration » actuelle est de nature dynamique, et elle est modelée par les stratégies des acteurs qui la constituent afin d'augmenter leur marge de manœuvre. Il s'agit d'une configuration qui est définie par la position des acteurs dans l'espace commun qu'est la scène internationale.

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

Author's introductionThe media landscape has changed dramatically in recent decades, from one predominated by traditional mass communication formats to today's more personalized communications environment. Mobile telephony plays a central role in this transition, with adoption rates that surpass even those of the Internet. This article attempts to situate the role of mobile communication technology in the changing media environment by examining key areas of social change associated with its widespread diffusion and use. These areas include symbolic meaning of technology, new forms of coordination and social networking, personalization of public spaces, and the mobile youth culture. Drawing from these areas of change, we advance the argument that mobile telephony is iconic of a larger socio‐technological shift toward a new 'personal communication society.'Author recommendsRheingold, Howard 2002. Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution. Cambridge, MA: Basic Books.From Tokyo to Helsinki, Manhattan to Manila, Howard Rheingold takes us on a journey around the world for a preview of the next techno‐cultural shift – a shift he predicts will be as dramatic as the widespread adoption of the PC in the 1980s and the Internet in the 1990s. The coming wave, says Rheingold, is the result of super‐efficient mobile communications – cellular phones, personal digital assistants, and wireless‐paging and Internet‐access devices that will allow us to connect with anyone, anywhere, anytime. From the amusing ('Lovegetty' devices in Japan that light up when a person with the right date‐potential characteristics appears in the vicinity) to the extraordinary (the overthrow of a repressive regime in the Philippines by political activists who mobilized by forwarding text messages via cell phones), Rheingold gives examples of the fundamentally new ways in which people are already engaging in group or collective action. He also considers the dark side of this phenomenon, such as the coordination of terrorist cells, threats to privacy, and the ability to incite violent behavior. Applying insights from sociology, artificial intelligence, engineering, and anthropology, Rheingold offers a penetrating perspective on the brave new convergence of pop culture, cutting‐edge technology, and social activism. At the same time, he reminds us that, as with other technological revolutions, the real impact of mobile communications will come not from the technology itself but from how people use it, resist it, adapt to it, and ultimately use it to transform themselves, their communities, and their institutions.Katz, James E. and Mark A. Aakhus (eds.) 2002. Perpetual Contact: Mobile Communication, Private Talk, Public Performance. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.This edited volume contains a landmark collection of chapters from researchers all over the world. The book offers a multi‐national perspective on some of the key themes that were identified at the outset of the emergent new field of mobile communication studies, ranging from the private sphere of interpersonal relations to the public performance of social groups and structures. In their conclusion, the editors advance the theoretical orientation of Apparatgeist (translation: 'spirit of the machine') to explain cross‐cultural consistencies in how people conceptualize and use personal communication technologies such as the mobile phone.Ling, Rich 2004. The Mobile Connection: The Cell Phone's Impact on Society. San Francisco, CA: Morgan Kaufmann.This book, based on worldwide research involving tens of thousands of interviews and contextual observations, looks into the impact of the mobile communication on our daily lives. Areas of impact include accessibility, safety and security, coordination of social and business activities, use of public places, and the social emancipation of youth.Ito, Mizuko, Daisuke Okabe, and Misa Matsuda (eds.) 2005. Personal, Portable, Pedestrian: Mobile Phones in Japanese Life. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.This edited volume explores how Japan's enthusiastic engagement with mobile technology has become part of its trendsetting popular culture. The chapters document the emergence, incorporation, and domestication of mobile communications in a wide range of social practices and institutions. The book first considers the social, cultural, and historical context of keitai (i.e., mobile phone) development in Japan, including its beginnings in youth pager use in the early 1990s. It then discusses the virtually seamless integration of keitai use into everyday life, contrasting it to the more escapist character of Internet use on the PC. Other essays suggest that the use of mobile communication reinforces ties between close friends and family, producing 'tele‐cocooning' by tight‐knit social groups. The book also discusses mobile phone manners and examines keitai use by copier technicians, multitasking housewives, and school children.Castells, Manuel, Mireia Fernandez‐Ardevol, Jack Linchuan Qiu and Araba Sey 2007. Mobile Communication and Society: A Global Perspective. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.This book looks at how the possibility of multimodal communication from anywhere to anywhere at any time affects everyday life at home, at work, and at school, and raises broader concerns about politics and culture both global and local. Drawing on data gathered from around the world, the authors explore who has access to wireless technology, and why, and analyze the patterns of social differentiation seen in unequal access. They explore the social effects of wireless communication – what it means for family life, for example, when everyone is constantly in touch, or for the idea of an office when workers can work anywhere. The authors consider the rise of a mobile youth culture based on peer‐to‐peer networks, with its own language of texting, and its own values. They examine the phenomenon of flash mobs, and the possible political implications. And they look at the relationship between communication and development and the possibility that developing countries could 'leapfrog' directly to wireless and satellite technology. Drawing from a global body of research, the book helps answer the key questions about our transformation into a 'mobile network society'.Ling, Rich 2008. New Tech, New Ties: How Mobile Communication Reshapes Social Cohesion. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.In New Tech, New Ties, Rich Ling examines how the mobile telephone affects both mobile‐mediated and face to face interactions. Ling finds that through the use of various social rituals the mobile telephone strengthens social ties within the circle of friends and family – sometimes at the expense of interaction with those who are physically present – and creates what he calls 'bounded solidarity'. Ling argues that mobile communication helps to engender and develop social cohesion within the family and the peer group. Drawing on the work of Emile Durkheim, Erving Goffman, and Randall Collins, Ling shows that ritual interaction is a catalyst for the development of social bonding. From this perspective, he examines how mobile communication affects face‐to‐face ritual situations and how ritual is used in interaction mediated by mobile communication. He looks at the evidence, including interviews and observations from around the world, which documents the effect of mobile communication on social bonding and also examines some of the other possibly problematic issues raised by tighter social cohesion in small groups.Katz, James E. (ed.) 2008. Handbook of Mobile Communication Studies. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.This edited volume offers a comprehensive view of the cultural, family, and interpersonal consequences of mobile communication across the globe. Leading scholars analyze the effect of mobile communication on all parts of life, from the relationship between literacy and the textual features of mobile phones to the use of ringtones as a form of social exchange, from the 'aspirational consumption' of middle class families in India to the belief in parts of Africa and Asia that mobile phones can communicate with the dead. The contributors explore the ways mobile communication profoundly affects the tempo, structure, and process of daily life around the world. They discuss the impact of mobile communication on social networks, other communication strategies, traditional forms of social organization, and political activities. They consider how quickly miraculous technologies come to seem ordinary and even necessary – and how ordinary technology comes to seem mysterious and even miraculous. The chapters cut across social issues and geographical regions; they highlight use by the elite and the masses, utilitarian and expressive functions, and political and operational consequences. Taken together, the chapters demonstrate how mobile communication has affected the quality of life in both exotic and humdrum settings, and how it increasingly occupies center stage in people's lives around the world.Ling, Rich and Scott W. Campbell (eds.) Forthcoming in Fall/Winter 2008. The Reconstruction of Space and Time: Mobile Communication Practices. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.Mobile communication enables us to call specific individuals, not general places. This advancement had changed, and continues to change, human interaction. It also alters the ways people experience both space and time. This edited volume explores these changes through a collection of studies from some of the top mobile communication researchers from around the world. Collectively, the contributions highlight nuanced changes in coordination and cohesion across space and time, the ways people manage mobile communication and mobility in new spatio‐temporal realms, and how individuals relate to their co‐present surroundings while using mobile communication technology.Online materials Resource Center for Mobile Communication Studies http://www.scils.rutgers.edu/ci/cmcs/ The Center for Mobile Communication Studies is the world's first academic unit to focus solely on social aspects of mobile communication. Established in June 2004 at Rutgers University's School of Communication, Information and Library Studies, the Center has become an international focal point for research, teaching, and service on the social, psychological, and organizational consequences of the burgeoning mobile communication revolution. International Journal of Mobile Communication Studies https://www.inderscience.com/browse/index.php?journalID=40 The International Journal of Mobile Communication (IJMC), a fully refereed journal, publishes articles that present current practice and theory of mobile communications, mobile technology, and mobile commerce applications. The objectives of the IJMC are to develop, promote, and coordinate the development and practice of mobile communications. The IJMC aims to help professionals working in the field, academic educators, and policy makers to contribute, to disseminate knowledge, and to learn from each other's work. The international dimension is emphasised in order to overcome cultural and national barriers and to meet the needs of accelerating technological change and changes in the global economy. IJMC is an outstanding outlet that can shape a significant body of research in the field of mobile communications and in which results can be shared across institutions, governments, researchers, and students, and also industry. Wi: The Journal of Mobile Media http://wi‐not.ca/ Wi publishes the latest in Canadian mobilities research, encompassing disciplines such as design, engineering, computer science, communications, and media studies. MobileActive.org http://mobileactive.org/ MobileActive.org is an all‐volunteer community of people and organizations using mobile phones for social impact. They are committed to increasing the effectiveness of NGOs around the world who recognize that the 3.5 billion mobile phones provide unprecedented opportunities for organizing, communications, and service and information delivery. They work together to create the resources NGOs need to effectively use mobile phones in their work: locally relevant content and services, support and learning opportunities, and networks that help MobileActives connect to each other. With these things on hand, tens of thousands of NGOs will be in a better position to enrich and serve their communities. The MobileActive.org community includes grassroots activists, NGO staff, intermediary organizations, content and service providers, and organizations who fund mobile technology projects. Mobile Society http://www.mobilesociety.net/ Mobile Society is an academic research website focusing on social aspects of the mobile phone. The site includes links and information about news, events, publications, and other related sites pertaining to the social consequences of mobile communication. SmartMobs: The Next Social Revolution http://www.smartmobs.com/ A Website and Weblog about topics and issues discussed in the book 'Smart Mobs' by Howard Rheingold.Select sample syllabus topics and readings for course on 'the social consequences of mobile communication' History and adoption of the mobile phone

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 1: Introduction.
Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society' Chapter 1: The Diffusion of Wireless Communication in the World.

Theoretical perspectives on the relationship between technology and society: Part 1, social and technological determinism

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 2: Making Sense of Mobile Telephone Adoption.
Campbell, Scott W. and Tracy C. Russo 2003. The Social Construction of Mobile Telephony. Communication Monographs 70: 317–34.

Theoretical perspectives on the relationship between technology and society: Part 2, the 'network' perspective

Castells, Manuel. 2000. 'The Rise of Network Society' Opening Chapter: The Network is the Message.
Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society' Chapter 5: The Space of Flows, Timeless Time, and Mobile Networks.

Mobile communication in everyday life: Part 1, safety and security

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 3: Safety and Security.

Mobile communication in everyday life: Part 2: new forms of coordination

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 4: The Coordination of Everyday Life.

Mobile communication in everyday life: Part 3: new social networking practices

Ling, Rich and Birgitte Yttri. 2002. 'Hyper‐coordination via Mobile Phones in Norway' in Katz & Aakhus (eds.) Perpetual Contact.
Licoppe, Christian. 2003. 'Two Modes of Maintaining Interpersonal Relations through Telephone: From the Domestic to the Mobile Phone' in J. Katz (ed.) Machines that Become Us.
Campbell, Scott. W. and Michael Kelley. 2006. Mobile phone use in AA networks: An exploratory study. Journal of Applied Communication Research 34: 191–208.

Apparatgeist: 'Spirit of the machine' and the fashion and function of the mobile phone

Katz, James E. and Mark Aakhus. 2002. 'Conclusion: Making meaning of mobiles – a theory of Apparatgeist' in Katz & Aakhus (eds.) Perpetual Contact.
Campbell, Scott W. 2008. 'Mobile Technology and the Body: Apparatgeist, Fashion and Function' in J. Katz (eds.) Handbook of Mobile Communication.

SMS and the language of wireless communication

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 7: Texting and the Growth of Asynchronous Discourse.
Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society, Chapter 6: The Language of Wireless Communication.

Use of mobile technology in public settings

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 6: The Intrusive Nature of Mobile Technology.
Okabe, Daisuke and Ito, Mizuko. 2005. 'Keitai in public transportation' in Ito, Okabe, & Matsuda (eds.) Personal, Portable, Pedestrian.
Ito, Mizuko, Daisuke Okabe and Ken Anderson 2008. 'Portable Objects in Three Global Cities: The Personalization of Urban Places' in Ling & Campbell (eds.) Reconstruction of Space and Time: Mobile Communication Practices.
Campbell, Scott W. 2006. Perceptions of mobile phones in college classrooms: Ringing, cheating, and classroom policies. Communication Education 55: 280–294.

M 10/22 Use of the technology around co‐present others and the challenge of 'absent presence'

Cumiskey, Kathleen. 2007. 'Hidden meanings: Understanding the social‐psychological impact of mobile phone use through storytelling' in Goggin & Hjorth (eds.) Mobile Media Proceedings.
Gergen, Kenneth. 2002. 'The challenge of absent presence' in Katz & Aakhus (eds.) Perpetual Contact.

The mobile youth culture

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 5: The Mobile Telephone and Teens.
Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society' Chapter 4: The Mobile Youth Culture.

Mobile communication in the socio‐political sphere

Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society Chapter 7: The Mobile Civil Society: Social Movements, Political Power, and Communication Networks.
Rheingold, Howard. 2002. 'Smart Mobs' Chapter 7: Smart Mobs – The Power of the Mobile Many.
Campbell, Scott W. and Nojin Kwak. 2008, May. Mobile communication and the public sphere: Linking patterns of use to civic and political engagement. Paper presented at the ICA pre‐conference, The Global and Globalizing Dimensions of Mobile Communication: Developing or Developed?, Montreal.

W 11/7 Mobile communication in the developing world

Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society' Chapter 8: Wireless Communication and Global Development: New Issues, New Strategies.
Donner, Jonathan. 2008. Research approaches to mobile use in the developing world: A review of the literature. The Information Society 24: 140–159.
Donner, Jonathan. 2008. The rules of beeping: Exchanging messages via intentional 'missed calls' on mobile phones. Journal of Computer‐Mediated Communication, 13(1). Available: http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol13/issue1/donner.html.

M 11/12 Mobile communication and work

Andriessen, Erick and Mattai Vartianen. 2006. Emerging Mobile Virtual Work in Andriessen & Vartianen (eds.) Mobile Virtual Work: A New Paradigm?
Perry, Mark and Jackie Brodie. 2006. Virtually Connected, Practically Mobile in Andriessen & Vartianen (eds.) Mobile Virtual Work: A New Paradigm?
Chesley, Noelle. 2005. Blurring boundaries? Linking technology use, spillover, individual distress, and family satisfaction. Journal of Marriage and Family 67: 1237–1248.

OptionalFocus questions

To what extent does mobile communication lead to changes in family dynamics? On the one hand, mobile communication empowers youth to carry out their social relations 'under the radar' of parental supervision. In the 'old days', kids had to share a domestic landline phone and had less privacy, or had to shut themselves up in their room when on the phone to get privacy. The mobile phone is anytime/anywhere and it a personal object (not shared), so users have much more control over their private relations. Text messaging is an especially effective way of having private communication. Because of all this, young people have more autonomy to live out their social lives as they see fit. On the other hand, the mobile phone also gives parents more control by being able to better keep tabs on their kids and their kids' whereabouts. In some respects, it can actually be considered as an 'umbilical cord' keeping kids accountable to their parents. This is an interesting dichotomy for discussion.
To what extent and how does the mobile phone support 'perpetual contact' among social ties? There seems to be a continual flow of communication now, which some refer to as 'perpetual contact'. Follow‐up questions could be: how is this a good thing? Are there negative aspects of perpetual contact?
How is the mobile phone used for boundary management (i.e., demarcating in‐group members from out‐group members)? This can be seen in names kept in contact lists, who people text with, whose calls they screen, and even the style or brand of a phone ... some groups of friends get the same types of phones.
What are the effects of taking/placing a phone call when interacting with physically co‐present others? What are norms for doing this? How can people mitigate the intrusion?
On a related note to the questions above ... to what extent does the mobile phone lead to 'absent presence?' The notion of absent presence refers to being physically present, but socially absent. To what extent is this problematic?
To what extent might mobile communication lead to 'tele‐cocooning?' Some are concerned that people are getting so wrapped up in their tight little social networks now, that they are less engaged with others who are weak social ties. If this is true, then it begs the question about whether there are benefits to having weak social ties. Most feel there are benefits, like being exposed to a diversity of perspectives and ideas.
With regard to the changing media landscape, where else do we see increased 'personalization' in our uses of traditional mass media? In this sense, 'personalization' can refer to personalized content, interactivity, control, etc.

Research project idea (note this approach can be taken with any of the topics recommended above)Description of the paperMobile communication technology has become a common artifact in public settings, offering a means for social connection for its users and unsolicited melodies, chirps, and half conversations for co‐present others. Because social norms for behavior around others often conflict with those for phone conversations, mobile communication can present as many challenges as it does opportunities for maintaining social order. In class, we will discuss numerous perspectives on this topic, such as absent presence, symbolic fences, front stage‐back‐stage dynamics, and cocooning through mobile media. The purpose of this paper is to conduct an original investigation of the use of mobile communication technology around others. Each student will select a particular aspect of this phenomenon to explore in depth by collecting data first‐hand, analyzing those data, and drawing conclusions to shed new light on this topic. Students may choose to examine mobile communication in a particular setting, compare mobile communication in different social contexts or across different users, examine or compare the use of certain types of mobile technologies, observe reactions of and effects on non‐users of the technology, or select some other such 'angle' for the project that sheds light on this topic.Paper guidelinesYour paper should contain the following sections: (1) An introduction that justifies the importance of your topic and provides a clear explanation of the purpose of the paper, (2) a review of relevant literature/theory/key concepts to frame your particular project followed by specific research questions, (3) a method section explaining how you collected data (observation, interviews, questionnaires, and/or otherwise) and how you analyzed your data, and (4) a discussion section that develops conclusions based on the findings. Each paper should have at least 10 scholarly citations, of which at least half should come from readings other than those assigned for class. Use American Psychological Association (5th edition) to format citations and reference list. Papers should be about 10 pages in length, double‐spaced. In addition to meeting these guidelines, the writing should be clearly organized within each section and (of course) well‐written. Students will present their papers in class at the end of the semester.

NOTICIAS / NEWS ("transfer", 2018) 1) LIBROS – CAPÍTULOS DE LIBRO / BOOKS – BOOK CHAPTERS 1. Bandia, Paul F. (ed.). (2017). Orality and Translation. London: Routledge. <<www.routledge.com/Orality-and-Translation/Bandia/p/book/9781138232884>> 2. Trends in Translation and Interpretin, Institute of Translation & Interpreting<<www.iti.org.uk/news-media-industry-jobs/news/819-iti-publishes-trends-e-book>> 3. Schippel, Larisa & Cornelia Zwischenberger. (eds). (2017). Going East: Discovering New and Alternative Traditions in Translation Studies. Berlin: Frank & Timme.<<www.frank-timme.de/verlag/verlagsprogramm/buch/verlagsprogramm/bd-28-larisa-schippelcornelia-zwischenberger-eds-going-east-discovering-new-and-alternative/backPID/transkulturalitaet-translation-transfer.html>> 4. Godayol, Pilar. (2017). Tres escritoras censuradas: Simone de Beauvoir, Betty Friedan y Mary McCarthy. Granada: Comares.<<www.editorialcomares.com/TV/articulo/3149-Tres_escritoras_censuradas.html>> 5. Vanacker, Beatrijs & Tom Toremans. (eds). (2016). Pseudotranslation and Metafictionality/Pseudo-traduction: enjeux métafictionnels. Special issue of Interférences Littéraires.<<www.interferenceslitteraires.be/nr19>> 6. Jiménez-Crespo, Miguel A. (2017). Crowdsourcing and Online Collaborative Translations: Expanding the Limits of Translation Studies. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. <<https://benjamins.com/#catalog/books/btl.131>> 7. Quality Assurance and Assessment Practices in Translation and Interpreting<<www.igi-global.com/publish/call-for-papers/call-details/2640>> 8. Hurtado Albir, Amparo. (ed.). (2017). Researching Translation Competence by PACTE Group. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.<<www.benjamins.com/#catalog/books/btl.127/main>> 9. Taivalkoski-Shilov, Kristiina, Liisa Tittula and Maarit Koponen. (eds). (2017). Communities in Translation and Interpreting. Toronto: Vita Traductiva, York University<<http://vitatraductiva.blog.yorku.ca/publication/communities-in-translation-and-interpreting>> 10. Giczela-Pastwa, Justyna and Uchenna Oyali (eds). (2017). Norm-Focused and Culture-Related Inquiries in Translation Research. Selected Papers of the CETRA Research Summer School 2014. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.<<www.peterlang.com/view/product/25509>> 11. Castro, Olga & Emek Ergun (eds). (2017). Feminist Translation Studies: Local and Transnational Perspectives. London: Routledge.<<www.routledge.com/Feminist-Translation-Studies-Local-and-Transnational-Perspectives/Castro-Ergun/p/book/9781138931657>> 12. Call for papers: New Trends in Translation Studies. Series Editor: Prof. Jorge Díaz-Cintas, Centre for Translation Studies (CenTraS), University College London.<<(www.ucl.ac.uk/centras)>>, <<www.peterlang.com/view/serial/NEWTRANS>> 13. Valero-Garcés, Carmen & Rebecca Tipton. (eds). (2017). Ideology, Ethics and Policy Development in Public Service Interpreting and Translation. Bristol: Multilingual Matters.<<www.multilingual-matters.com/display.asp?isb=9781783097517>> 14. Mahyub Rayaa, Bachir & Mourad Zarrouk. 2017. A Handbook for Simultaneous Interpreting Training from English, French and Spanish to Arabic / منهج تطبيقي في تعلّم الترجمة الفورية من الانجليزية والفرنسية والإسبانية إلى العربية. Toledo: Escuela de Traductores.<<https://issuu.com/escueladetraductorestoledo/docs/cuaderno_16_aertefinal_version_web>> 15. Lapeña, Alejandro L. (2017). A pie de escenario. Guía de traducción teatral. Valencia: JPM ediciones.<<http://jpm-ediciones.es/catalogo/details/56/11/humanidades/a-pie-de-escenario>> 16. Mével, Alex. (2017). Subtitling African American English into French: Can We Do the Right Thing? Oxford: Peter Lang.<<www.peterlang.com/view/product/47023>> 17. Díaz Cintas, Jorge & Kristijan Nikolić. (eds). (2017). Fast-Forwarding with Audiovisual Translation. Bristol: Multilingual Matters.<<www.multilingual-matters.com/display.asp?K=9781783099368>> 18. Taibi, Mustapha. (ed.). (2017). Translating for the Community. Bristol: Multilingual Matters.<<www.multilingual-matters.com/display.asp?isb= 9781783099122>> 19. Borodo, Michał. (2017). Translation, Globalization and Younger Audiences. The Situation in Poland. Oxford: Peter Lang.<<www.peterlang.com/view/product/81485>> 20. Reframing Realities through Translation Cambridge Scholars Publishing<<https://cambridgescholarsblog.wordpress.com/2017/07/28/call-for-papers-reframing-realities-through-translation>> 21. Gansel, Mireille. 2017. Translation as Transhumance. London: Les Fugitives<<www.lesfugitives.com/books/#/translation-as-transhumance>> 22. Goźdź-Roszkowski, S. and G. Pontrandolfo. (eds). (2018). Phraseology in Legal and Institutional Settings. A Corpus-based Interdisciplinary Perspective. London: Routledge<<www.routledge.com/Phraseology-in-Legal-and-Institutional-Settings-A-Corpus-based-Interdisciplinary/Roszkowski-Pontrandolfo/p/book/9781138214361>> 23. Deckert, Mikołaj. (ed.). (2017). Audiovisual Translation – Research and Use. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.<<www.peterlang.com/view/product/80659>> 24. Castro, Olga; Sergi Mainer & Svetlana Page. (eds). (2017). Self-Translation and Power: Negotiating Identities in European Multilingual Contexts. London: Palgrave Macmillan.www.palgrave.com/gb/book/9781137507808 25. Gonzalo Claros, M. (2017). Cómo traducir y redactar textos científicos en español. Barcelona: Fundación Dr. Antonio Esteve.<<www.esteve.org/cuaderno-traducir-textos-cientificos>> 26. Tian, Chuanmao & Feng Wang. (2017).Translation and Culture. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press.<<http://product.dangdang.com/25164476.html>> 27. Malamatidou, Sofia. (2018). Corpus Triangulation: Combining Data and Methods in Corpus-Based Translation Studies. London: Routledge.<<www.routledge.com/Corpus-Triangulation-Combining-Data-and-=Methods-in-Corpus-Based-Translation/Malamatidou/p/book/9781138948501>> 28. Jakobsen, Arnt L. and Bartolomé Mesa-Lao. (eds). (2017). Translation in Transition: Between Translation, Cognition and Technology. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.<<https://benjamins.com/#catalog/books/btl.133>> 29. Santaemilia, José. (ed.). (2017). Traducir para la igualdad sexual / Translating for Sexual Equality. Granada: Comares.<<www.editorialcomares.com/TV/articulo/3198-Traducir_para_la_igualdad_sexual.html>> 30. Levine, Suzanne Jill & Katie Lateef-Jan. (eds). (2018). Untranslatability Goes Global. London: Routledge.<<www.routledge.com/Untranslatability-Goes-Global/Levine-Lateef-Jan/p/book/9781138744301>> 31. Baer, Brian J. & Klaus Kindle. (eds). (2017). Queering Translation, Translating the Queer. Theory, Practice, Activism. New York: Routledge.<<www.routledge.com/Queering-Translation-Translating-the-Queer-Theory-Practice-Activism/Baer-Kaindl/p/book/9781138201699>> 32. Survey: The translation of political terminology<<https://goo.gl/forms/w2SQ2nnl3AkpcRNq2>> 33. Estudio de encuesta sobre la traducción y la interpretación en México 2017<<http://italiamorayta.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/ENCUESTAS.pdf>> 34. Beseghi, Micòl. (2017). Multilingual Films in Translation: A Sociolinguistic and Intercultural Study of Diasporic Films. Oxford: Peter Lang.<<www.peterlang.com/view/product/78842>> 35. Vidal Claramonte, María Carmen África. (2017). Dile que le he escrito un blues: del texto como partitura a la partitura como traducción en la literatura latinoamericana. Madrid: Iberoamericana.<<www.iberoamericana-vervuert.es/FichaLibro.aspx?P1=104515>> 36. Figueira, Dorothy M. & Mohan, Chandra. (eds.). (2017). Literary Culture and Translation. New Aspects of Comparative Literature. Delhi: Primus Books. ISBN: 978-93-84082-51-2.<<www.primusbooks.com>> 37. Tomiche, Anne. (ed.). (2017). Le Comparatisme comme aproche critique / Comparative Literature as a Critical Approach. Tome IV: Traduction et transfers / Translation and Transferts. París: Classiques Garnier. ISBN: 978-2-406-06533-3. 2) REVISTAS / JOURNALS 1. Call for papers: The Translator, special issue on Translation and Development, 2019. Contact: jmarais@ufs.ac.za 2. Call for papers: Applied Language LearningContact: jiaying.howard@dliflc.edu<<www.dliflc.edu/resources/publications/applied-language-learning>> 3. Panace@: Revista de Medicina, Lenguaje y Traducción; special issue on "La comunicación escrita para pacientes", vol. 44<<www.tremedica.org/panacea/PanaceaActual.htm>> 4. mTm, issue 9<<www.mtmjournal.gr/default.asp?catid=435>> 5. Asia Pacific Translation and Intercultural Studies, Volume 4 Issue 3 (November 2017)<<http://explore.tandfonline.com/cfp/ah/aptis>>, <<www.tandfonline.com/rtis>> 6. Call for papers: The Journal of Translation Studies, special issue on Translation and Social Engagement in the Digital AgeContact: Sang-Bin Lee, sblee0110@naver.com 7. Current Trends in Translation Teaching and Learning E<<www.cttl.org>> 8. Translation and Interpreting Studies, 15 (1), Special issue on The Ethics of Non-Professional Translation and Interpreting in Public Services and Legal Settings<<www.atisa.org/call-for-papers>> 9. Call for papers: Translation & Interpreting – The International Journal of Translation and Interpreting Research, Special issue on Translation of Questionnaires in Cross-national and Cross-cultural Research<<www.trans-int.org/index.php/transint/announcement/view/19>> 10. Revista Digital de Investigación en Docencia Universitaria (RIDU), Special issue on Pedagogía y didáctica de la traducción y la interpretación<<http://revistas.upc.edu.pe/index.php/docencia/pages/view/announcement>> 11. Translation, Cognition & Behavior<<https://benjamins.com/#catalog/journals/tcb/main>> 12. FITISPos International Journal, vol. 4 (2017)Shedding Light on the Grey Zone: A Comprehensive View on Public Services Interpreting and Translation<<www3.uah.es/fitispos_ij>> 13. Post-Editing in Practice: Process, Product and NetworksSpecial issue of JoSTrans, The Journal of Specialised Translation, 31<<www.jostrans.org/Post-Editing_in_Practice_Jostrans31.pdf>> 14. Call for papers: MonTI 10 (2018), Special issue on Retos actuales y tendencias emergentes en traducción médica<<https://dti.ua.es/es/monti/convocatorias.htm>> 15. Call for papers: trans‐kom Special Issue on Industry 4.0 meets Language and Knowledge Resources.Contact: Georg Löckinger (georg.loeckinger@fh‐wels.at)<<http://trans-kom.eu/index-en.html>> 16. Translaboration: Exploring Collaboration in Translation and Translation in CollaborationSpecial Issue, Target, vol 32(2), 2020.<<www.benjamins.com/series/target/cfp_target_32.pdf>> 17. redit, Revista Electrónica de Didáctica de la Traducción e Interpretación, nº11.<<www.revistas.uma.es/index.php/redit>> 18. Call for papers: InVerbis, special issue on Translating the Margin: Lost Voices in the Aesthetic Discourse, June 2018.Contact: alessandra.rizzo@unipa.it & karen.Seago1@city.ac.uk<<www.unipa.it/dipartimenti/dipartimentoscienzeumanistiche/CFP-Translating-the-margin-Lost-voices-in-the-aesthetic-discourse>> 19. trans-kom, Vol. 10 (1), 2017. <<www.trans-kom.eu>> 20. JoSTrans, The Journal of Specialised Translation, issue 28 (July 2017).<<www.jostrans.org/issue28/issue28_toc.php>> 21. Call for papers: InVerbis, special issue on Translating the Margin: Lost Voices in the Aesthetic Discourse, June 2018.<<www.unipa.it/dipartimenti/scienzeumanistiche/.content/documenti/CFPInverbis.pdf>> 22. Call for papers: TTR, special Issue on Lost and Found in Transcultural and Interlinguistic Translation/La traduction transculturelle et interlinguistique : s'y perdre et s'y retrouver<<http://professeure.umoncton.ca/umcm-merkle_denise/node/30>> 23. Call for proposals for thematic issues:Linguistica Antverpiensia, New Series – Themes in Translation Studies (LANS – TTS)<<https://lans-tts.uantwerpen.be>> 24. Call for papers: trans‑kom, special issue on Didactics for Technology in Translation and InterpretingVol. 11(2), December 2018.Contact: aietimonografia@gmail.com / carmen.valero@uah.es 25. Journal of Languages for Special PurposesVol 22/2, New Perspectives on the Translation of Advertising<<https://ojsspdc.ulpgc.es/ojs/index.php/LFE/issue/view/53>>Vol 23/1, Linguistics, Translation and Teaching in LSP<<https://ojsspdc.ulpgc.es/ojs/index.php/LFE/issue/view/72>> 26. Call for papers: Parallèles, special issue on La littérature belge francophone en traduction (in French), Volume 32(1), 2020.Contact: katrien.lievois@uantwerpen.be & catherine.gravet@umons.ac.be 27. Call for papers: Asia Pacific Translation and Intercultural Studies, Volume 5(1), 2018.<<www.tandfonline.com/rtis>> 28. Target, special issue on Translaboration: Exploring Collaboration in Translation and Translation in Collaboration<<www.benjamins.com/series/target/cfp_target_32.pdf>> 29. Research in Language, special issue on Translation and Cognition: Cases of Asymmetry, Volume 15(2).<<www.degruyter.com/view/j/rela.2017.15.issue-2/issue-files/rela.2017.15.issue-2.xml>> 30. Call for papers: Translation Spaces, special issue on Translation in Non-governmental Organisations, 7(1), 2018.<<www.reading.ac.uk/web/files/modern-languages-and-european-studies/CfP_SI_Translation_Spaces-translation_in_NGOs.pdf>> 31. Call for papers: Translating the Margin: Lost Voices in the Aesthetic Discourse, special issue of InVerbis (2018).<<www.unipa.it/dipartimenti/scienzeumanistiche/CFP-Translating-the-margin-Lost-voices-in-the-aesthetic-discourse>> 32. Call for papers: Translation and Disruption: Global and Local Perspectives, special issue of Revista Tradumàtica (2018).Contact: akiko.sakamoto@port.ac.uk; jonathan.evans@port.ac.uk and olga.torres.hostench@uab.cat 33. Call for papers: JoSTrans. The Journal of Specialised Translation 33 (January 2020), Special Issue on 'Experimental Research and Cognition in Audiovisual Translation'. Guest editors: Jorge Díaz Cintas & Agnieszka Szarkowska. Deadline for proposals: 19 February 2018<<http://www.jostrans.org/>> 34. Dragoman – Journal of Translation Studies<<www.dragoman-journal.org/books>> 35. Call for papers: Translation Spaces 7(1) 2018, special issue on Translation in Non-governmental Organisations<<www.reading.ac.uk/web/files/modern-languages-and-european-studies/CfP_SI_Translation_Spaces-translation_in_NGOs-public-extended_deadline.pdf>> 36. Call for papers: Public Service Interpreting and Translation and New Technologies Participation through Communication with Technology, special issue of FITISPos International Journal, Vol 5 (2018).Contact: Michaela Albl-Mikasa (albm@zhaw.ch) & Stefanos Vlachopoulos (stefanos@teiep.gr) 37. Sendebar, Vol. 28 (2017)<<http://revistaseug.ugr.es/index.php/sendebar>> 38. Ranzato, Irene. (2016). North and South: British Dialects in Fictional Dialogue, special issue of Status Quaestionis – Language, Text, Culture, 11.<<http://statusquaestionis.uniroma1.it/index.php/statusquaestionis>> 39. Translation Studies 10 (2), special issue on Indirect Translation.<<www.tandfonline.com/toc/rtrs20/current>> 40. Translation & Interpreting – Special issue on Research Methods in Interpreting Studies, Vol 9 (1), 2017. 41. Translation and Translanguaging in Multilingual Contexts, special issue on Between Specialised Texts and Institutional Contexts – Competence and Choice in Legal Translation, edited by V. Dullion, 3 (1), 2017.<<https://benjamins.com/#catalog/journals/ttmc.3.1/toc>> 42. Translation and Performance, 9 (1), 2017<<https://journals.library.ualberta.ca/tc/index.php/TC/issue/view/1879>> 3) CONGRESOS / CONFERENCES 1. ATISA IX: Contexts of Translation and InterpretingUniversity of Wisconsin, Milwaukee, USA, 29 March – 1 April 2018<<www.atisa.org/sites/default/files/CFP_ATISA_2018_FINAL.pdf> 2. V International Translating Voices Translating Regions – Minority Languages, Risks, Disasters and Regional CrisesCentre for Translation Studies (CenTraS) at UCL and Europe House, London, UK, 13-15 December 2017.<<www.ucl.ac.uk/centras/translation-news-and-events/v-translating-voices>> 3. Translation and Health Humanities: The Role of Translated Personal Narratives in the Co-creation of Medical KnowledgeGenealogies of Knowledge I Translating Political and Scientific Thought across Time and Space, University of Manchester, UK7-9 December 2017.<<http://genealogiesofknowledge.net/2017/02/20/call-panel-papers-translation-health-humanities-role-translated-personal-narratives-co-creation-medical-knowledge>> 4. Fourth International Conference on Non-Professional Interpreting and Translation (NPIT4), Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 22-24 May 2018.<<http://conferences.sun.ac.za/index.php/NPIT4/npit4>> 5. I International Conference on Interdisciplinary Approaches for Total Communication: Education, Healthcare and Interpreting within Disability Settings, University of Málaga, Spain, 12-14 December 2017.<<https://ecplusproject.uma.es/cfp-iciatc>> 6. Translation & Minority 2: Freedom and DifferenceUniversity of Ottawa, Canada, 10-11 November 2017.<<https://translationandminority.wordpress.com>> 7. Staging the Literary Translator: Roles, Identities, PersonalitiesUniversity of Vienna, Austria, 17-19 May 2018.<<http://translit2018.univie.ac.at/home>> 8. IATIS 2018 – Translation and Cultural MobilityPanel 9: Translating Development: The Importance of Language(s) in Processes of Social Transformation in Developing CountriesHong Kong, 3-6 July 2018.<<www.iatis.org/index.php/6th-conference-hong-kong-2018/item/1459-panels#Panel09>> 9. Fun for All 5: Translation and Accessibility in Video Games Conference, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain, 7-8 June 2018.<<http://jornades.uab.cat/videogamesaccess>> 10. ACT/Unlimited! 2 Symposium, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain, 6 June 2018.<<http://pagines.uab.cat/act/content/actunlimited-2-symposium>> 11. IATIS 2018 – Translation and Cultural MobilityPANEL 06: Museum Translation: Encounters across Space and TimeHong Kong Baptist University, 3-6 July 2018.<<www.iatis.org/index.php/6th-conference-hong-kong-2018/item/1459-panels#Panel06>> 12. IATIS 2018 – Translation and Cultural Mobility
PANEL 12: Advances in Discourse Analysis in Translation Studies: Theoretical Models and Applications
Hong Kong Baptist University3-6 July 2018.<<www.iatis.org/index.php/6th-conference-hong-kong-2018/item/1459-panels#Panel12>> 13. Understanding Quality in Media Accessibility, Universidad Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain, 5 June 2018. <<http://pagines.uab.cat/umaq/content/umaq-conference>> 14. Managing Anaphora in Discourse: Towards an Interdisciplinary Approach, University of Grenoble Alpes, France, 5-6 April 2018.<<http://saesfrance.org/4071-2>> 15. Traduire les voix de la nature / Translating the Voices of Nature, Paris, France, 25-26 May 2018.<<www.utu.fi/en/units/hum/units/languages/mts/Documents/CFP.pdf>> 16. IATIS 2018 – Translation and Cultural MobilityPANEL 10: Audiovisual Translation as Cross-cultural Mediation – New Trajectories for Translation and Cultural Mobility?Hong Kong Baptist University, 3-6 July 2018.
<<www.iatis.org/index.php/6th-conference-hong-kong-2018/item/1459-panels#Panel10>> 17. The Fourth International Conference on Research into the Didactics of Translation, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain20-22 June 2018.<<http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/pacte/en/firstcircular>> 18.
I Coloquio Internacional Hispanoafricano de Lingüística, Literatura y Traducción. España en contacto con África, su(s) pueblo(s) y su(s= cultura(s)
Universidad FHB de Cocody-Abidjan, Costa de Marfil
7-9 March 2018.<<www.afriqana.org/encuentros.php>> 19. Transius Conference 2018, Geneva, Switzerland, 18-20 June 2018.<<http://transius.unige.ch/en/conferences-and-seminars/conferences/18/>> 20. 39th International GERAS Conference - Diachronic Dimensions in Specialised Varieties of English: Implications in Communications, Didactics and Translation Studies, University of Mons, Belgium15-17 March 2018.<<www.geras.fr/index.php/presentation/breves/2-uncategorised/245-cfp-39th-international-geras-conference>> 21. 31st Annual Conference of the Canadian Association for Translation Studies - Translation and Adaptation, University of Regina, Canada, 28-30 May 2018.<<https://linguistlist.org/issues/28/28-3413.html>> 22. 2nd Valencia/Napoli Colloquium on Gender and Translation: Translating/Interpreting LSP through a Gender PerspectiveUniversità di Napoli 'L'Orientale', Italy, 8-9 February 2018.Contact: eleonorafederici@hotmail.com 23. Ninth Annual International Translation Conference: Translation in the Digital Age: From Translation Tools to Shifting Paradigms, Hamad Bin Khalifa's Translation & Interpreting Institute (TII), Doha, Qatar, 27-28 March 2018.<<www.tii.qa/9th-annual-translation-conference-translation-digital-age-translation-tools-shifting-paradigms>> 24. ACT/Unlimited! 2 Symposium – Quality Training, Quality Service in Accessible Live Events, Barcelona, Spain, 6 June 2018.<<http://pagines.uab.cat/act/content/actunlimited-2-symposium>> 25. Fourth International Conference on Research into the Didactics of Translation, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain, 20-22 June 2018.<<http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/pacte/en/secondcircular2018>> 26. Talking to the World 3. International Conference in T&I Studies – Cognition, Emotion, and Creativity, Newcastle University, UK, 17-18 September 2018.<<www.ncl.ac.uk/sml/news-events/news/item/talkingtotheworld3ticonference.html>> 27. Translation & Interpreting in the Digital Era, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul, South Korea, 29-30 January 2018.Contact: itri@hufs.ac.kr 28. 7th META-NET Annual Conference: Towards a Human Language Project, Hotel Le Plaza, Brussels, Belgium, 13-14 November 2017.<<www.meta-net.eu/events/meta-forum-2017>> 4) CURSOS – SEMINARIOS – POSGRADOS / COURSES – SEMINARS – MA PROGRAMMES 1. Certificate / Diploma / Master of Advanced Studies in Interpreter Training (online), FTI, University of Geneva, Switzerland,4 September 2017 - 10 September 2019.<<www.unige.ch/formcont/masit>> 2. Master's Degree in Legal Translation, Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, London, UK.<<http://ials.sas.ac.uk/study/courses/llm-legal-translation>> 3. Certificat d'Université en Interprétation en contexte juridique : milieu judiciaire et secteur des demandes d'asile, University of Mons, Belgium.<<http://hosting.umons.ac.be/php/centrerusse/agenda/certificat-duniversite-en-interpretation-en-contexte-juridique-milieu-judiciaire-et-secteur-des-demandes-dasile.html>> 4. Online MA in Translation and Interpreting ResearchUniversitat Jaume I, Castellón, Spain.Contact: monzo@uji.es<<www.mastertraduccion.uji.es>> 5. MA in Intercultural Communication, Public Service Interpreting and Translation 2017-2018, University of Alcalá, Madrid, Spain.<<www3.uah.es/master-tisp-uah/introduction-2/introduction>> 6. Research Methods in Translation and Interpreting StudiesUniversity of Geneva, Switzerland.<<www.unige.ch/formcont/researchmethods-distance1>><<www.unige.ch/formcont/researchmethods-distance2>> 7. La Traducción audiovisual y el aprendizaje de lenguas extranjeras, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia (UNED), Spain, 4 December 2017.<<https://goo.gl/3zpMgY>> 8. Fifth summer school in Chinese-English Translation and Interpretation (CETIP), University of Ottawa, Canada, 23 July – 17 August 2018.<<http://arts.uottawa.ca/translation/summer-programs>> 9. First summer school in Arabic – English Translation and Interpretation (AETP), University of Ottawa, Canada, 23 July – 17 August 2018.<<http://arts.uottawa.ca/translation/summer-programs>> 10. Third summer school in translation pedagogy (TTPP)University of Ottawa, Canada, 23 July – 17 August 2018.<<http://arts.uottawa.ca/translation/summer-programs>> 4) PREMIOS/AWARDS 1. The Warwick Prize for Women in Translation<<http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/cross_fac/womenintranslation>